CHAMA CHA MWANANCHI, SOCIALIST

KENYA’S LEADING SOCIAL DEMOCRATS

Archive for August, 2007

Billions stolen but gvt says its a political gimmick

Posted by SG on August 31, 2007

MOI STOLE Guardian report says. Today Kibaki government defended Moi and said the report is a political gimick!

Who is telling us the truth?  CCM believes the report is true and even left most of the assets unreported.

Kibaki needs Moi and thus the will to tell Moi off during this election time and in a future government led by Kibaki is unexpected. In the end only the victims of the scandals shall arise to the defence of their country from the hands of the current insesitive leadership.  

The assets accumulated included multimillion pound properties in London, New York and South Africa, as well as a 10,000-hectare ranch in Australia and bank accounts containing hundreds of millions of pounds.

The report, commissioned by the Kenyan government, was submitted in 2004, but never acted upon. It details how:

· Mr Moi’s sons – Philip and Gideon – were reported to be worth £384m and £550m respectively;

· His associates colluded with Italian drug barons and printed counterfeit money;

· His clique owned a bank in Belgium;

· The threat of losing their wealth prompted threats of violence between Mr Moi’s family and his political aides;

· £4m was used to buy a home in Surrey and £2m to buy a flat in Knightsbridge.

Kroll said last night it could not confirm or deny the authenticity of the report.

The Kroll investigation into the former regime was commissioned by President Mwai Kibaki shortly after he came to power on an anti-corruption platform in 2003. It was meant to be the first step towards recovering some of the money stolen during Mr Moi’s 24-year rule, which earned Kenya the reputation as one of the most corrupt countries in the world.

But soon after the investigation was launched, Mr Kibaki’s government was caught up in its own scandal, known as Anglo Leasing, which involved awarding huge government contracts to bogus companies.

Since then, none of Mr Moi’s relatives or close allies has been prosecuted. No money has been recovered. Three of the four ministers who resigned after the Anglo Leasing scandal was exposed have since been reinstated.

Last night, the Kenyan government confirmed that it received the Kroll report in April 2004. But Alfred Mutua, the government spokesman, said it was incomplete and inaccurate, and that Kroll had not been engaged to do any further work.

“We did not find that the report was credible. It was based a lot on hearsay.” He said the leaking of the report was politically motivated and insisted Kenya was working with foreign governments to recover the stolen money. “Some of the money is in UK bank accounts. We have asked the British government to help us recover the funds, but so far they have refused.”

The report was obtained by the website Wikileaks, which aims to help expose corruption. The document is believed to have been leaked by a senior government official upset about Mr Kibaki’s failure to tackle corruption and by his alliance with Mr Moi before the presidential election in December.

On Tuesday Mr Moi said he was backing Mr Kibaki for a second term, saying he was disappointed that “selfish individual interests have been entrenched in our society”. Mr Moi remains an influential figure in Kenya and his endorsement is expected to go some way to ensuring his successor’s re-election.

In the Kroll report the investigators allege that a Kenyan bank was the key to getting vast sums of money of out of the country via its foreign currency accounts. The same bank had already laundered $200m (£100m) on behalf of the late Mr Abacha, with the assistance of a Swiss-based “financier”.

“It is believed that twice as much was laundered through the same system by the Mois,” the report said.

Kroll confirmed last night that it had previously done work for the Kenyan government. A company spokesman was given extracts of the report seen by the Guardian. “We cannot confirm or deny that this report is what it purports to be,” he said. “Nor can we talk about the scope, content or results of any work we have done for the government of Kenya, which remains confidential.”

Gideon Moi is an MP and Philip Moi is a businessman. Daniel Arap Moi’s spokesman did not return calls last night.

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Fresh chaos erupted in Mathare slums

Posted by SG on August 31, 2007

By Cyrus Ombati

Police officers arrest suspected Mungiki adherents at Mlango Kubwa in Mathare on Thursday. Fresh clashes in the slum left four people injured and several structures set ablaze.
Picture by Stafford Ondego

Fresh chaos erupted in Mathare slums when a group of residents attempted to evict suspected Mungiki remnants.

Four people sustained head cuts inflicted with machetes and about 10 houses were burnt down in the skirmishes at Mlango Kubwa, Nairobi, on Thursday.

Police, who were called in, fired in the air and lobbed teargas canisters at the swelling crowd, and ordered people to disperse.

Consequently, confusion set in, leaving several children and women injured in the melee.

Trouble started by 2am when a group of youths stormed the area and set ablaze structures they claimed belonged to Mungiki followers.

But owners retaliated slashing four people including an elderly man. Using crude weapons, the gang entered into houses, flushing out occupants and torching the houses hours later.

They claimed the occupants were Mungiki adherents who had re-grouped to harass Mathare residents. But a group of women denied the claims, saying there were no Mungiki followers in the slum.

Said one woman: “Since police killed several of them (Mungiki) here, there are no Mungiki people here. These people are harassing us for no reason.”

The women claimed those who attacked them had come from Kosovo area in the slum.

Kosovo was the May battleground where police killed over 20 youths in an operation on Mungiki followers.

Police also dismissed the claims of the return of Mungiki, saying they wanted other competing gangs to leave the slum.

Kasarani deputy OCPD, Mr Mboya Odero, said investigations revealed the two groups were quarrelling over the control of provision of ‘services’ in the area.

“They are fighting over the control of collection of garbage and other services but we are investigating the claims.

Nairobi North DC, Ms Charity Chepkonga who visited the slum said a contingent of police officers would be deployed to provide security and urged the youth to shun violence.

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KIBAKI TENA 1 MLN LUNCH FAILS

Posted by SG on August 31, 2007

By Caroline Mango

Kibaki Tena lobby team leader has hit out at meddling party MPs, a day after reports linked the politicians to the cancellation of the Sh1 million-a-plate election slush fund luncheon. The chief executive officer of the Kibaki Tena team, Mr Lee Karuri, said the luncheon had nothing to do with Government friendly MPs, drawn mainly from Narc-Kenya, who are critical of the manner the abortive fundraiser was being organised.

“The presidential campaign has nothing to do with parliamentary and civic seats in the General Election. We will have nothing to do with MPs,” Karuri, who leads the group of selected, well-heeled businessmen and technocrats, said.

The official defended the cancellation of the luncheon, which was due Saturday at Nairobi’s Safari Park Hotel, saying they would not accept being put under pressure from any quarters.

“It’s a long story but the thing is that there is no pressure. The thing is that the Saturday lunch was cancelled because it was going to coincide with many other events,” he added, preferring not to divulge the details of the surprise cancellation.

Cracks in campaign team

The shelving appeared to expose cracks in the Kibaki re-election juggernaut, which boasts some 300 co-ordinators countrywide, backed by fleets of 4×4s, modern communication gadgets and the Provincial Administration.

Karuri — linked to a high profile positions in the private sector — said they were not under obligation to consult politicians on the choice of constituency co-ordinators because it was a presidential campaign affair.

By leaving them out of the process that picked co-ordinators, MPs feel the group had hatched a scheme to alienate them.The defiant Karuri announced that the luncheon would be held soon.

And he received support from another prominent businessman and an ally of Kibaki, Mr Anthony Warui, the proprietor of Angelica Tea Ltd in Mombasa. He said politicians would not be part of the Kibaki Tena campaign.

Also likely to stir controversy is another team, which consists of a group of financiers in Nairobi also said to be mobilising funds for Kibaki’s re-election kitty. It is ‘Taifa Tekelezi’ (working nation) whose slogan is Kibaki Miaka Tano Tena (five more years for Kibaki).

Warui, who played a major financial role in the 2002 General Election and who is also mobilising like-minded businessmen this year, said similar luncheons would be held in all provinces.

“Businessmen want to fundraise and so it’s a group of like-minded people coming to together for a cause… Politicians can fundraise in a different forum,” said Warui.

Finance Minister, Mr Amos Kimunya and Transport Assistant minister, Mr Robinson Githae, defended Karuri, saying the fundraiser was a businessmen’s affair and should not cause discontent among politicians.

Goodwill gesture by businessmen

At the beginning of the week, top officials of Narc-Kenya were breathing fire over the way things were being run by the Kibaki Tena camp.

Most MPs and officials of Narc- Kenya are opposed to the Sh1 million luncheon, saying it was bound to paint a negative picture and affect Kibaki’s re-election bid.

But speaking to The Standard from Mombasa yesterday, Karuri told off politicians saying they should not try to meddle in the affairs of the Kibaki Tena lobby.

The chairman of the Taifa Tekelezi group is Dr Thuo Mathenge, while the national organising secretary is Mr Kazungu Kambi, the influential executive chairman of Riva Oils and Kaloleni constituency aspirant.

Kazungu said the businessmen’s idea and style of fundraiser should not be misconstrued.

Kimunya also defended Karuri and his team and said the lunch had nothing to do with the Government.

“This is a gesture by businessmen who want to fundraise towards Kibaki’s kitty. We will not be using State resources as has been stressed before and therefore, there should be nothing wrong with that,” said Kimunya in Nairobi.

Githae said the shelved lunch was the beginning of events to fundraise for Kibaki’s re-election.

“It is not only the businessmen, there will be another one for professionals and even local wananchi who want to donate,” said Githae.



 

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WASHIGNTON ACCUSED OF TORTURE

Posted by SG on August 31, 2007

Kenya Muslims say U.S. backed torture and detention
Thu Aug 30, 2007 9:41 AM ET

By Jeremy Clarke

NAIROBI (Reuters) – Kenyan Muslims marched on police headquarters in Nairobi on Thursday in protest against what they called the illegal detention and torture of fellow Muslims in an anti-terrorist drive urged on by the United States.

The protest involving a few dozen Kenyans followed months of simmering tensions between the east African nation’s Muslim community and authorities they accuse of persecuting and arresting them on U.S. government orders.

“We don’t expect this in our country. Just how much power do the Americans have over the Kenyan government?” said Al-Amin Kimathi, chairman of Kenya’s Muslim Human Rights Forum.

American and Kenyan authorities said they could not immediately comment. Human Rights groups accuse Kenya of involvement in a clandestine U.S. practice of detainee transfer.

Kenyan police arrested scores of people on the Somali border in January and February after allied Ethiopian and Somali government troops chased Islamist fighters Washington accuses of having links to Al Qaeda out of Mogadishu.

Human rights groups say Kenyan authorities put dozens of terror suspects from Kenya on secret rendition flights to Ethiopia for interrogation by U.S. officials. Local activists said none had been prosecuted in any court.

“We know from a released prisoner that it is Americans doing the aggressive interrogating, and the Kenyan government is making it possible for them,” Kimathi said.

Protesters demanded at police headquarters to know the whereabouts of two brothers who have gone missing.

They said Kenyan police took the younger brother to Somalia, then Ethiopia, in January without charge or explanation. He was able to contact relatives once to tell of his torture, the activists say.

Police seized his older brother last week outside a Nairobi mosque, according to relatives who were told nothing further and fear he faces the same fate as his younger brother.

Family members of the two brothers joined Thursday’s protest and delivered a letter to police.

“The crack-down of so-called terrorists … is a blanket design and a veiled, skilful and state-orchestrated machination aimed at intimidating, harassing and persecuting members of the Muslim community,” the letter said.

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keep Religion out of Politics

Posted by SG on August 30, 2007

KENYA’S SOCIETY IS DIVIDED along many lines. There is, of course, the most fundamental, which is ethnicity. The tribe is the most basic characteristic of the various divisions of society. Then there is race, which though as basic as tribe, usually attracts little attention. And then there is religion.While Hinduism, Buddhism and the Sikh religion follow a racial pattern among their adherents in Kenya, Christian and Islamic adherents cut across every tribe in the country. Although Christianity has the majority following, Islam today has followers in every town and in every community.It is, therefore, logical to say that beyond the strict issues of religion – our belief in Allah and adherence to the Holy Prophet – Muslims in Kenya are different in their secular concerns.We are, in the ways of the world, divided by our varying economic status, our ethnic backgrounds and our political beliefs. And these divisions are not only natural, but specifically made by Allah.

It therefore borders on blasphemy for any Muslim leadership to purport to use Islam to manipulate followers towards secular political objectives. It goes against Islam in two ways.

Firstly, because Allah created these divisions and celebrated them, they cannot now be made the object of ridicule and intrigue.

Divergent political following among Muslims is not only healthy for us as Kenyans, it is also quite in conformity with Allah’s plans in creating us in diversity.

Secondly, and more fundamentally, Islam cannot be used to garner political following for a human being. That is tantamount to elevating the human being into the status of our Holy Prophet.

Recently, a group of Muslims going by the name Council of Imams and Preachers of Kenya, and also National Muslim Leaders Forum, declared they would support one candidate for the presidency. They even directed Mr Najib Balala to back that candidate’s bid.

BUT THEN THIS RAISED THE QUESTION: What happens to Muslims in Kanu, Narc Kenya, ODM Kenya and Ford Kenya? Do they cease being Muslim? Are they to follow this candidate as a religious edict from imams and preachers in Kenya?

Every Muslim in Kenya has a right to make his or her independent decision on who to support for the presidency. And unless there is any candidate who has insulted our God, our prophet or our religion, there is no basis for any imam or preacher to intimidate Muslims to support one or the other.

One of my political mentors, Sheikh Abdillahi Nassir, in a sermon he gave in 1992 advising Muslims on how to respond to the new multiparty politics in Kenya, told the faithful that there was no Western-style democracy in Islam.

While a Western-style democracy is “a government of the people, by the people, for the people”, he said, Islam is a theocracy: “Government of the people, by the people, for Allah”.

And since there is no Islamic theocracy in Kenya, a predominantly Christian country, Muslims cannot participate in politics on religious assumptions. Presidential polls are a purely secular issue.

There are a number of questions raised by the action of Muslim leaders. For one, it is questionable from where Muslim imams and preachers derived the authority to pronounce religious edicts on secular matters.

It is also questionable how representative these edicts are of the thinking of all imams and preachers, and the whole Muslim community in Kenya.

It is imperative during this time of elections that Muslim leaders act responsibly towards Islamic adherents, instead of causing divisions amongst them.

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ETHNIC BIASES IN PARTIES

Posted by SG on August 30, 2007

By Mutula Kilonzo

Story by The Standard

This is what Mutula Kilonzo thinks about Kenyan politics. Our view in CCM is simillar but we are doing all we can to have our vision and Ideology clear to wananchi unlike all the rest of registered prties.

Read on Mutula’s views.

Contrary to the Constitution, none of the 250 registered political parties boasts the credentials of a democracy.
Section 1 A of the Constitution categorically states that Kenya shall be a multi-party democratic State.

The provision envisages that a governing party, together with the opposition, lives up to the democratic aspirations espoused in their constitutions and manifestos and to play their complimentary roles in defending the Constitution.

But in Kenya, the story is a sorry tale of reverses and intrigues. Other than playing the role of conveyor belts to power, political parties serve no useful purpose. This is aptly expressed in their failure to live up to the dreams of adding value to legislative debate or ensuring a constitution when they were in a position to do so at the Bomas conference.

Parties neither had a position nor did they facilitate harmony in the cacophonous review process because they lack structural lobbying capacity. In the end, when the chairman of the Constitution of Kenya Review Commission, Prof Yash Pal Ghai, was ignomniously bundled out of the process by the Government, political parties could only be heard by their stone silence.

Aspirants have now been invited to seek nomination under flags of relatively unknown parties. One such party is a splinter of the truling National Rainbow Coalition (Narc) Narc-Kenya which, together with President Kibaki’s Democratic Party, are dangling tickets for his re-election clouded in doubt.

History is about to be made. Kibaki may defend his seat on a ticket other than the original sponsoring party. In election time, political quacks do roaring business. Unknown gutter parties surface for sale to rejects. Once a culture of ‘party ownership’ overrides ‘party membership’, a fall back position becomes necessary and that is when ethnic loyalties and proxies come in handy. Leaders also feel safe in parties run on a geo-ethnic basis.

Ethnic biases

Political parties resemble lottery booths where nomination tickets are hawked. This is so in a country where party ownership is a lucrative industry. Motives for the formation of many non-ideological and undemocratic organisations vary and are justified where political intrigues reign supreme. One reason is tribal and another is commercial.

A political party leader, for instance, bears a tribal tag and personality cult by printing membership cards carrying his portrait and declaring his home province a no-go zone for other parties.

The question is: What sort of leader would such a politician make if he becomes the President of the nation? Obviously, the subjects would suffer ethnic biases because the word ‘nationalism’ is alien in his vocabulary.

Parliamentarians swear statutory oaths to defend and protect the Constitution that deplores tribalism among other vices. Unfortunately, the same people undermine the very document under which they were elected. Rules of their political parties are not spared the breaches either.

Days when Kenya will have structured, functional and democratic parties are distant dreams because leaders have become part-time members and representation of constituencies is an ad hoc mission in the hands of servants-turned-masters.

Constitutions are no better than toilet tissues

Aspiring candidates suddenly remember their party membership cards, others do not even know the road to their party headquarters and are not under obligation to attend meetings once elected. In mid-term, the entities and their constitutions are inconsequential, but suddenly become famous once in every five years.

No wonder, members confidently say party constitutions are nicely worded pieces of paper that are no better than toilet tissues. Kibaki gets away with constitutional violations and excesses of serious magnitude that include poaching Opposition MPs to boost the administration’s voting machine in the fragile Government of National Unity (GNU). GNU replaced the senior coalition partner, the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), that has since been purged from the Cabinet after the ignominious defeat of the Government in the referendum on the draft constitution.

The party has also been removed from House departmental committees of Parliament. But then, may be Kibaki was right after all — LDP is no more either. Out of ego and envy, Kibaki’s rivals have split the Orange into two pieces.

The President, the man Narc sponsored, walked out on its summit and arrogantly demanded the dissolution of constituent parties. He will be remembered for trashing the Memorandum of Understanding with LDP and other coalition partners.

It is from the foregoing problems that the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, Ms Martha Karua, came up with a Political Parties Bill that seeks, among other things, the registration, regulation and funding of parties. But even pushing for this long overdue agenda, she has trashed the clamour for essential reforms, including affirmative action.

Instead, the minister shoplifted the party’s affirmative action and campaigned for 50 instead of 24 women nomination slots to boost Kibaki’s weak voting machine in anticipation of a hang Parliament next year in the likely event of a re-election.

In Parliament, the legislation failed to raise the requisite two-thirds majority MPs for debate to start. Kenyans demand internal democracy in political parties and accountability in their leaders.

Currently, party members are hostages of the servants they gave tickets and support.

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JUMPING OFF WITHOUT PARACHUTES

Posted by SG on August 27, 2007

 BY CCM SECRETARY GENERAL

Dick Kamau.

Fellow wananchi, I have a feeling all is not well and we clearly need help to make our lives worth living in this dear country. Just like the poor in the rest of the world we too in Kenya have dreams, don’t we?  We all want to believe that we are special, that somehow in our lives we can make a difference, that we can touch our family, our friends, or other people in some special way. 

At one time in our lives, we all had an idea of what we really wanted and what we really deserved. For some that might have been decades ago and to some of us it might have been yesterday we dreamt of a good life. It’s a fact that we try to do all we think should be enough to enable us have good governance. But then, mostly it all ends in trying but not doing.

As most of you know the road to justice and freedom is the one less traveled. We in  Kenya  are  somewhere  we can’t  tell  what  will  happen  to  us next.  We  may  die  of  a  police  bullet,  thugs,  political  scandals  that  take  away  money  for  medicine  or  hunger. We  feel  insecure day  or  night.  This  is  no  fun.  

It is not my aim to lay blames on any of you Kenyans, but too many people, though, forget their dreams when they face life’s challenges and that includes the struggle for one’s justice and rights. I might be wrong but I think we Kenyans deserve a medal for the expertise we exhibit when it comes to doing what we vow to do to end all forms of political injustices that keep bedeviling the entire nation time and again. 

We do nothing lasting to liberate our selves from all the surrounding wolves and then expect lasting positive results.  We elect tribes instead of leaders and then cry tribalism.Because of failure due to our own misuse of voting rights to elect credible leaders, we set our aspirations aside, forget that although poor we have the power to shape the future, we then loose our confidence and hope.  It is hard for many of you out there to start even thinking of rethinking where we always go wrong.

As the Secretary General of Chama Cha Mwananchi- CCM,  it has been my life’s goal to remind Kenyans – the Wananchi like you and me – that the power to change anything lies sleeping within us.  We can wake up this power and bring our dreams back to life, starting today. Its frustrating, we mostly and sadly behave just like  the sleeping giant instead  of  waking up  and  becoming  an  active  political  volcano. 

I know you have read so many times about positive thinking but you by now know positive thinking. But allow me to give you some simple truths that can truly assist you in making the dream to freedom happen. Of course, positive thinking is a great start.

Certainly you want to focus on how to turn things around – on solutions – rather than on how things are so “wrong”.  But positive thinking alone is not enough to turn your life around. 

We in CCM have strategies. You must have some strategies, some step-by-step plans for changing how you think, how you feel, and what you do every single day you are alive. This is CCM’s gigantic mission that will in the end make the poor of this country stand up and be counted with those who never give up in the struggle for justice for themselves and for others in need of it.

Our party manifesto speaks for us when it comes to what the party is prepared to do. Isn’t it true that all of us want to change or improve something in our lives? 

CCM is promising the poor of Kenya that together we can, absolutely, take control and begin to change the quality of our lives. I have met many poor people from my home village and elsewhere in slums and the country side and what I see is truly depressing.

It is not so impossible to make Kenya a better country for the majority of this land who feel let down by politicians who just want power to further enrich themselves.  The only thing that is necessary to make this mission of change work for us right now is to begin to believe that it is possible to change. 

Many bad things have and continue to happen  to many people in Kenya. Still it is not the end of the world yet. Sometimes, in order to move ahead with doing our selves the justice we have always cried for, the past failures in our struggle to end poverty and political injustices does not matter it is a stepping stone to remind us of what we didn’t do for ourselves. 

Fellow wananchi, whatever has not worked in the past has nothing to do with what you will do today.  What we can do right now is what will shape our destiny. 

 Right now, we must be a friend to ourselves.   We cannot “beat ourselves up” about what has happened; high heaven stinking scandals, political betrayal by people we thought come rain come sun would stand for us as a nation, only to find out later they never meant what they said and never said what they meant as they begged us to vote for them or sell our votes to them. 

My question here is: Are you willing to begin the journey?  Then let us get started within our party for the poor- CCM.  Let us begin to change our lives by understanding what to do when we are FEELING OVERWHELMED.  

When we try a new approach, try our best, yet we still fail to reach our goal, often we fear trying again.  Why?  Because we all want to avoid pain!  And nobody wants to fail again.  Nobody wants to give his or her all, only to be disappointed.  Often, after many of these experiences of disappointment, we stop trying! We get to the point where we believe that nothing will work. We let unpatriotic politicians continue to disorganize our lives for many endless years. We can do it. 

When we miss our target all we find ourselves saying is: but what can we do: even if we elect a poor person politicians are all the same. This is where we jump our plane without a parachute! 

Fellow Mwananchi, if you find yourself at the point where you are not even willing to try, you have put yourself in a place called “learned helplessness”.  You have literally learned – or taught yourself – that you are “helpless”. 

The good news from CCM is that you are wrong. You can make things happen!  You can change anything in your life today by changing your perceptions and changing your actions. You too can say as did one great soul – Tomas Edison “I am not discouraged, because every wrong attempt discarded is another step forward”. 

The first step to turning our political lives around is getting rid of this negative belief that since we are poor we can’t do anything or that we are helpless.   Often the reason that people say they cant do something is that they have tried things in the past that have not worked. 

 But remember – and many patriots have used this phrase again and again throughout their lives – YOUR PAST DOES NOT EQUAL YOUR FUTURE. We shall overcome, they say. 

We the poor of Kenya have lost many political battles in the past. But what matters is not yesterday but what we decide to do right now.  When you elect a bad person into a position of power you do yourself injustice and cause problems for the few who voted for the right person. I have heard people say persistence pays.

But when I talk to wananchi about turning around our political lives they seem resigned and withdrawn. Individually, many people tell me, “I have tried millions of ways to succeed, and nothing works!”  Or, “I’ve tried thousands of ways!” Think about it.  They probably have not even tried hundreds of ways to change things, or even dozens.

  Most people have tried eight, nine, ten ways to make a change, and when it has not worked out, they have given up. We must not give up on our dear lives and country. 

The key to our political success is to decide what is most important to us and then make massive action each day to make it come true, even when it does not look as if it is working.

In CCM, we know  what  we  want. United in our cause we shall win. But we all need committed souls that will give us courage to walk an extra mile when our legs refuse to move an inch due to political and economical frustrations.

I like telling a small story to those who have lost or are about to lose hope in their goals. The story is an eye opener for many of us out there feeling let down and betrayed by our politicians.  Have you ever heard of a guy named Colonel Sanders?  Of course you have.  How did colonel Sanders become such an unbelievable success? 

 Was it because he was born wealthy?  Was his family rich?  Did they send him to a top university like Harvard?  May be he was successful because he started his business when he was really young.  Are any of these true? The answer is no.  Colonel Sanders did not begin to fulfill his dream until he was 65 years old! 

What drove him to finally take action?  He was broke and alone.  He got his first social security check for $105, and he got mad.  But instead of blaming society or just writing Congress a nasty note, he started asking himself, “What could I do that would be valuable for other people? 

What could I give back?”  He started thinking about what he had that was valuable to others. His first answer was, “Well, I have this chicken recipe everyone seems to love!  What if I sold my chicken recipe to restaurants?  Could I make money doing that?” 

Then he immediately thought, “That is ridiculous.  Selling my recipe won’t even pay the rent”. And he got a new idea:  “What if I not only sold them my recipe but also showed them how to cook the chicken properly?  What if the chicken was so good that it increased their business?  If more people came to see them and they made more chicken sales, may be they would give me a percentage of those additional sales.”

Many people have great ideas. But Colonel Sanders was different.  He was a man who did not just think of great things to do.  He put them into action.  He went and started knocking on doors telling each restaurant owner his story:  I have got a great chicken recipe, and I think if you use it, it will increase your sales.  And I would like to get a percentage of that increase.” Well, many people laughed in his face.  They said, “Look, old man, get out of here.  What are you wearing that stupid white suit for? 

Did colonel Sanders give up?  Absolutely not.  He had the number 1 key to success; being persistent in taking action:  Every time you do something, you learn from it, and you find a way to do it better next time.  Instead of feeling bad about the last restaurant that had rejected his idea, he immediately started focusing on how to tell his story more effectively and get better results from the next restaurant. 

How many times do you think Colonel Sanders heard no before getting the answer he wanted?  He was refused 1,009 times before he heard his first yes.  He spent two years driving across America in his old, beat-up car, sleeping in the back seat in his rumpled white suit, getting up each day eager to share his idea with someone new. 

Often, the only food he had was a quick bite of the samples he was preparing for prospective buyers.  How many people do you think would have gone for 1,009 noes – two years of noes!  – and kept on going?  Very few.  That is why there is only one colonel Sanders.  

I think most people would not get past twenty noes, much less a hundred or a thousand!  Yet this is sometimes what it takes to succeed. We the poor of Kenya have not yet even tried to vote for the poor among us and instead re-vote back to parliament and local government people who if justice is done, belong to prison. 

If you look at any of the most successful peoples and nations in history, you will find this common thread:  they would not be denied.  They would not accept no.  They would not allow anything to stop them from making their vision, their goal, a reality no matter what it was.

CCM intends to form a government led by the poor for the poor. It has been our dream for years. This is why some of were thrown in Nyayo House while others went to political exile. We wanted justice for the downtrodden to be done and be seen being done.  

Those days even some poor fellows used to call us: crazy people who didn’t even realize they were out there committing political suicide by trying to rock KANU government. We didn’t listen to them. We won’t listen to you now saying poor wananchi can’t run a government. 

When we lived in crummy dirty little prisons and sometimes cold and un friendly exile, we had to keep reminding ourselves that: THIS TOO SHALL PASS IF WE CONTINUED TO TAKE MASIVE, POSITIVE, CONSTRUCTIVE ACTIONS.  We kept thinking, “Even though LIFE seemed TERRIBLE, there were many things to be thankful for, like the fact that we had all our senses, or that we could breathe some fresh air.

We constantly reminded ourselves to focus on what we wanted, to focus on solutions instead of problems.  We in CCM are doing just that. So we decided we would no longer believe that our whole life was screwed up simply because we were in prison or exile or had financial difficulties or emotional frustrations. 

 We decided that there was nothing wrong with us, but that we were simply in “lag time”. 

In other words, we knew that if we were to continue nurturing the seeds we had planted – continue doing the right things – we would make it out of this winter of our lives and into spring, when we would reap the rewards of years of seemingly fruitless efforts.

We always kept in mind of one day joining hands with patriotic Kenyans to form a strong pro wananchi political party. We did it and now CCM stands for all those whom we were tortured for.  

The problem has been that the wananchi have been doing same things all the time they got a chance of making their lives better instead of voting as a poor peoples’ block to remove bad leaders from political power.

This failure tread has been going on despite the fact that doing exactly the same things over and over again and expecting a different result is sickening. We have to try something new, and we have to keep on until we found the answers w need: power in our hands.  

My message to you is simple, and in your heart you know its true:  Massive, consistent action with pure persistence and a sense of purpose in pursuing our goals will ultimately give us the political window want, but we must abandon any sense that there is no solution. 

We have known pain and betrayal all our lives. This knowledge has done us nothing good. We must refuse to have same persons in power or their siblings whose aim is to keep us the way we are today. We must focus immediately on the actions we can take today, even if they are small ones.

 Let us use CCM to liberate our politics and ourselves from the rich exploitative ruling class. They are a handful but we are the millions they need to get power from us and use it to keep us down for ages to come.  You and me must believe that even though things may look impossible now, we can turn them around.

You see, we all have problems, disappointments, and frustrations, but its how we deal with our setbacks that will shape out lives more than anything else we do. 

I hope we have learned from the way past regimes and some politicians in the current one have been robbing us our chance to free ourselves from many malaises they create to keep us down forever.  How do we engage it? 

We all know that to get new results we have to take new actions, but we must realize that all our actions are fathered by a decision:  the power of decision is the power of change. Again, it is true that we can’t always control the events of our lives, but we can control what we decide to think, believe, feel, and do about those events.  We have to decide whom to vote for come elections.

We must  remember that every moment we are alive, whether we admit it to ourselves or not, a new set of actions, and a new set of results are merely a decision or two away. 

Most of us forget that we have this power to choose.  How you live today is the result of who you have decided to sped time with, what you have decided to learn or not to learn, what you have decided to believe, your decisions to give up or your decisions to persist,  of – all of these have literally controlled and directed your life. 

If we sincerely want to change our lives, then we have got to make some new decisions about what we stand for and what we are going to do……… and what we a committed to. A real decision is made when you cut off any possibility except what you have committed to do, when you will not look back, when you will not even consider the alternative of giving up.  

You want justice done to you? Your good future will depend on your decision to make the right move. See you there when we celebrate victory for the downtrodden. COME ON BOARD.  

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Pharaohs in ODMs and Narc-Kenya dream of power

Posted by SG on August 25, 2007

MULUKA SAYS In the Standard today:

The pharaoh is always the pharaoh, while Joe the dreamer of dreams remains a faithful dreamer.Joe is the relative of a man called Musa and others called Joshua and Caleb.

I have read in the Christian book where it is written in Exodus 2 that this Musa man was told: “So now, go. I am sending you to Pharaoh to bring my people out of Egypt.”I know that the pharaoh also dreams, sometimes.

But he does not know the significance and magnitude of his dreams. He needs Joe to solve the riddles in his dreams. Mostly it is about the big House on the Hill, with all its splendour, glory and assorted hidden disasters.

But unlike the pharaoh, Joe dreams of the kind of things that a man called Musa heard when he saw a bush on a fire that could not burn the bush. For, I have seen where it is written: “I have indeed seen the misery of my people. I have heard them crying out because of their slave drivers, and I’m concerned about their suffering.”Joe dreams of freedom for the suffering. Like another ancient dreamer called Isaiah was dreaming in a book of even name in Chapter 61, Joe would dream a dream that sought “to bind up the broken-hearted”.

He would dream to proclaim freedom to the captives (of ignorance, poverty, disease and ethnic hate); to bestow on the poor (taxpayers) a crown of beauty instead of ashes; the oil of gladness instead of mourning; and a garment of praise instead of a spirit of despair”.

But the pharaoh dreams of power and of crushing little flies that stand between him and power. Like the man called Musa, Joe dreams of the beautiful ones who will share out the benefits of Uhuru, for the enjoyment of all. But the pharaohs in ODM, ODM-Kenya and Narc-Kenya dream of power and control. Our dreams are worlds apart.

The pharaohs meet to talk about power sharing at our expense. They do not tell us what is in it for us. Yet we will still assemble in huge crowds to cheer them on.Many months ago, I Joe, the man of dreams, wondered aloud why some eight pharaohs thought they should hold a whole people hostage with their power- sharing dreams.

I said they would fall apart before they shared power. For they were dreaming of who among them was the best horse rider to the House on the Hill. Each one of them was saying, “It is me.” They were confessing their unity and saying how that unity would ensure that one of them romped home, to the big House on the Hill. But the dreamer of dreams was not impressed with their confessions and calls of unity.

The dreamer said, much to the chagrin of some doubting Thomases, that any unity that sought to achieve the narrow goals of a few selfish individuals could only be described as conspiracy. But what do you do when those conspired against cheer the conspirators on, provided the conspirators come from their village?

They say that the dreamer is an awful guy. He reminds them of uncomfortable history they do not want to hear about. He tells Kenyans about how people who have run down national institutions now call themselves reformists.

They have said to me: “You stupid dreamer, how do you imagine you will make it to the national house of shame otherwise known as the National Assembly, if you do not know how to pretend? How will you become a mheshimiwa if you cannot worship at the shrine of party owners and follow their Nyayos with humility? Can’t you see chama ambacho kimeshika moto (the hot potato political shopping basket) and sing songs of praise to the owners, instead of saying uncomfortable things?

For they know not that in the interest of the truth, Joseph would sooner brave Pharaoh’s cold dungeons than wallow in the comforts of the perfumed bed of Potiphar’s wife. As the reigning dreamer of dreams, I have often been puzzled at a people’s brevity of memory and the leaven of their hypocrisy. I have been shocked at their deliberate short sightedness.

Are they not familiar with the words of fellow dreamer who lived in the land of plenty, otherwise called the United States? The man was called Malcolm X. One day, this Mr Malcolm X, a very black man, said to his fellow black people, “Ye, know-hh there’s two types of niggers! There’s the nigger of the house; an there’s the nigger of the fields. When Master buys a nu-car, the nigger of the field says ‘our sweat’. Bur when the nigger of the house sees the nu-car, he says, ‘yeah, our car’.” I have been dreaming of the day the niggers of the house will see clearly, like the niggers of the field. Then they will hear the words that I have read in a place called Deuteronomy 2, about another relation of Joe the dreamer. The man called Joshua heard the holy one saying to his people: “You have stayed long enough on this mountain. Break camp and advance . . . Go in and take possession of the land that the Lord swore he would give to your fathers.”  

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ETHNIC CLEANSING THE KIKUYUS never again

Posted by SG on August 24, 2007

Its worrying when politicians talk majimbo

ICE Case Studies

Ethnic Cleansing and the Environment in Kenya

CASE NUMBER: 46CASE MNEMONIC: KIKUYU

I. CASE BACKGROUND

1. Abstract

During the week of October 15, 1993 violence erupted in the Narok district of Kenya’s Rift Valley province. Maasai morans, or warriors, attacked immigrant Kikuyu settlers and massacred at least 17 of them in the first three days of the conflict. (Dietz 7) As the casualties mounted (16 more Kikuyus were killed in other parts of Narok), the rest of the Kikuyu population was forced out of the area and into refugee camps. This was, however, not just a typical case of ethnic cleansing, which had become almost routine since Kenya’s transformation to a multi-party political system began six years ago. Environmental concerns also played a central role. Only months before, the Narok County Council had declared Enoosopukia, the site of the conflict, a water catchment area and decreed that all inhabitants, mostly transplanted Kikuyus, had to leave. The local Maasai elites, supported by the central government, reacted harshly, expelling the Kikuyus.

2. Description

Background Ethnic violence has plagued Kenya since gaining independence from the British in 1963. Clashes between different ethnic groups, in this case the Nilotic Maasai and Bantu Kikuyus, have not been uncommon, but they have taken on additional significance since President arap Moi gave into pressure and adopted a democratic, multi-party system in 1991.

The British-influenced Kenyan Constitution of the immediate post-colonialist period provided for self-government along ethnic lines. (Dietz 7) Regional rivalries between ethnic groups resulted and subsequently formed the foundation for ethnically based political parties. This factionalism led President Moi to introduce in 1982 a new constitution which made all opposition parties illegal. Kenya became a one-party state governed solely by KANU, the Kenya African National Union. (Amnesty International 3)

At the end of the 1980s a pro-democracy movement gained strength, even though the government arrested activists by the hundreds. Members of the KANU elite, especially the ethnically Nilote Kalenjin and Maasai nations, strongly opposed any movement toward a multi-party state. They preferred the practice of majimboism, or regionalism, by which each nation practices self-government in its “ancestral homeland.” However, Moi finally surrendered in 1991 under pressure from the West, which threatened to withhold aid if Kenya refused to follow the path to democracy. KANU subsequently legalized the opposition, and Kenya became, at least in theory, a multi-party democracy. Surprisingly, Moi was returned to power in 1992 as a result of semi-fair elections, but the opposition gained strong representation in parliament. (See Amnesty International Report) Recent developments have given the opposition cause for optimism. The government registered two opposition parties, Safina (Noah’s Ark), and the Islamic Party of Kenya, in November, 1997.

The Enoosopukia Clashes

The violence in Enoosopukia was preceded by years of distrust between the indigenous Maasai and the immigrant Kikuyus. In 1990 the Maasai, a pastoral people, were replaced as the majority in the area by the Kikuyus, who tended to be better educated and skilled. Kikuyu culture stresses economic productivity, and Kikuyus are well known in Kenya for their success in commerce.(For more on the Kikuyu nation, click here.) The Maasai had traditionally been their partners in trade. Perhaps because of this tradition of cooperation, both sides avoided open conflict, and the Kikuyus continued to obtain permission to settle in Enoosopukia from the local authorities, including Maasai hardliner and government minister William ole Ntimama. Tempers soon began to flare between the Maasai elites, who tended to support KANU, and the Kikuyus, many of whom favored the opposition. With the advent of the new political system in 1991, both sides realized that multi-party elections would require ethnic-based parties. Leaders such as Ntimama, ethnic Maasai and Narok MP, took advantage of the new politics of ethnicity to unflinchingly defend the perceived interests of their nations against all others. Ntimama demanded that Kikuyus residing in his district support him at the polls. According to Ntimama, the Kikuyus had acquired their land by dubious means, cheating the illiterate Maasai out of their ancestral property. (Dietz 8) Ntimama fanned the flames of ethnic hatred by making “blatantly inciting utterances at a public meeting, by saying that the non-Maasai living in Maasai land should respect the Maasai, and further warned that the title deeds owned and cherished by such non-Maasai were mere papers that could be disregarded at any time.” (Report of the Parliamentary Select Committee 60)

Kenya’s Rift Valley Province

Ntimama believes that the Maasai have historically been the victims of oppression, most recently by the British colonialists, and now by the Kikuyus, who have allegedly marginalized his people by encroaching on their ancestral homeland. At a conference in Vienna, he claimed that the Maasai were becoming an “endangered species” and would have to fight to protect themselves. Ironically, it was Ntimama, the Chairman of the local council, who allowed the Kikuyus access to the land around Enoosopukia in the first place. For this he expected political support. According to Ntimama, settlers must vote with the local Maasai or move out of his district, even though the Kenyan constitution guarantees the right of members of each ethnic group to move and own property wherever they choose. The Minister of Local Government was vehemently opposed to multi-party democracy up to 1991. He even threatened to evict settlers who supported the pro-democracy movement before being elected. (“In the Interest of the Maasai,” 8-9) The Violence Begins

The Enoosopukia clashes began after Kikuyu settlers allegedly mutilated Maasai cattle. The Maasai accord great respect to cattle, the source of their livelihood and a gift from god. (Click here for more on the Maasai nation.) As a result of this insult, five hundred Maasai warriors killed up to 33 Kikuyu as the clashes spread throughout the Narok district and forced 30,000 more out of the area. (“Man on the Spot” 7) None of those driven from their homes was made aware of their destination. The displaced were forced to gather at the Maela refugee camp, about 10 km from Enoosopukia, while the Maasai took over their farms. Senior government officials called for the complete expulsion of certain ethnic groups from the Rift Valley Province. (See Carver )

Parliament’s Reaction

Parliament became involved in the Enoosopukia clashes after the violence had spread to other parts of the Narok district. The opposition held Ntimama, who was rumored to have personally killed a Kikuyu businessman during the melee, responsible for inciting the clashes. Opposition leader Odinga also charged that the government had trained the attackers, who were not merely local warriors, but in fact military personnel. Unless Ntimama either stepped down or was removed from his ministerial position, the opposition threatened to paralyze parliament. In spite of the criticism, Ntimama held firm. He could not be arrested or prosecuted due to parliamentary immunity. He refused to condemn the clashes, even though many KANU members felt compelled to do so. Ntimama had “no regrets” about the attacks, since he “had to lead the Maasai in protecting our rights.” Other KANU politicians stood behind Ntimama as well, espousing the belief that the Maasai had “been oppressed too long by the Kikuyus in Enoosopukia.” Even President Moi tended to blame any problems on the opposition and denied any ill will toward the victims of the attacks. “I have done more for the Kikuyus than anybody else, yet they have been told I am the enemy.” Neither side was willing to back down and tensions escalated as Nairobi increasingly showed its pro-Maasai bias. Even the Minister for Home Affairs supported dealing with the Kikuyus “mercilessly.” (See “Man on the Spot” and “The Parliamentary Debate” in The Weekly Review 10/29/1993.)

Aftermath

Government attempts to address the plight of the refugees largely failed. At the end of 1994, as many as 8,000 refugees were still living at the Maela camp when it was razed by government troops. (Dietz 8) Government forces transferred two thousand displaced persons to Central Province, the “traditional” home of the Kikuyus, according to KANU. Families, unaware of where they were being sent, became separated. By the end of 1995 the situation had still not been satisfactorily resolved. ( See Carver)

3. Duration

The clashes lasted from the middle to the end of October, 1993, but the refugee problem continued much longer. The degradation of the environment has been a concern for decades.

4. Location

a. Continent: Africa

b. Region : East Africa

c. State : Kenya

5. Actors: MAASAI and KIKUYU (KENYA)

II. Environment

6. Type of Environmental Problem: HABITAT LOSS

All observers agree that the Narok County Council had every right to declare Enoosopukia a water catchment area. The area is truly a catchment zone for streams flowing toward the Maasai drylands, and it had been devastated in recent years. However, the government, which ordered everyone out, and local belligerents, who massacred innocent people, enforced the local governing body’s decision badly. Economics partly explain Nairobi’s decision. A German team that had built a dam in the area insisted that the catchment had to be protected if the construction was to be successful. (Dietz 10) The Kenyan government also assumes that attention to environmental concerns makes Western NGOs and donors more likely to offer economic assistance.

The Enoosopukia area has suffered the consequences of bad agricultural policy for decades. As a relatively wet and fertile oasis in an extremely arid region, Enoosopukia naturally attracts farmers and their livestock. However, constant use of the soil without replenishment has nearly transformed the area into a wasteland. “Only blackened tree stumps, the legacy of unbridled charcoal burning and slash-and-burn agriculture, interspersed with scattered trees and other sparse vegetation, testify to the fact that the area was formerly a lush forest.” ( See “The Environmental Factor” in The Weekly Review.) The Maasai and KANU found a convenient scapegoat in the Kikuyus, but local Maasai elites have also been guilty of farming the area beyond its means.

In the end government planners failed to com up with a viable solution to the problem of resource management. Relatively fertile land is a scarce commodity in many parts of Kenya, so similar conflicts may very well occur again.

7. Type of Habitat : DRY

The Enoosopukia area of the Narok district owes its agricultural potential to the existence of the water catchment area, which the central government is keen to preserve. Narok is generally a rather arid district, more suitable for livestock than farming.

8. Act and Harm Sites:

Site of Act Site of Harm Example
(1)Kenya Kenya Environmental excuse for ethnic cleansing in Narok
 
TED ICE
KENYA PETEN
SOMALIA CHIAPAS
ISRAELH2 RWANDA
PARANA SUDAN
ITAIPU CHILEDAM
ATATURK GANGES

16. Relevant Websites and Literature

Amnesty International Weekly Review-Nairobi

Information on Kenya

Amnesty International. Women in Kenya: Repression and Resistance. New York:

Amnesty International, 1995. Carver, Richard. Kenya: Update to End of July 1995. Writenet Country Papers, 1995.

Dietz, Ton. Entitlements to Natural Resources. Utrecht: Antenna Books, 1997.

“The Environmental Factor.” The Weekly Review. 29 October 1993, 15-17.

“In the Interest of the Maasai.” The Weekly Review. 29 October 1993, 8-9.

Kenyan National Assembly. Parliamentary Select Committee to Investigate Ethnic Clashes in

Western and Other Parts of Kenya. Nairobi: The Assembly, 1992. “Man on the Spot.”The Weekly Review. 29 October 1993, 4-7.

“The Parliamentary Debate.” The Weekly Review. 29 October 1993, 10-14.

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FINAL AND BIGGER TRUTH

Posted by SG on August 24, 2007

 

By Kipkoech Tanui

There are brutal truths leaders, the public and ailing parties must confront because electioneering can be delusive.

If we do not, we will probably be in the dung heap in January when we hope to have a new or re-elected Government. We always plan to win, but we tragically do not have in our hearts the room to fail.

That is why from Mwingi North MP Mr Kalonzo Musyoka to the Leader of the Official Opposition Mr Uhuru Kenyatta (he has one foot out of the backbench), they all want to be in the next Government in the fashion of Ford-People leader Mr Simeon Nyachae and Kiambaa MP Mr Njenga Karume.

It is as if we can, via strategic buy-outs, all be in Government. But sadly, there are only about 30 Cabinet seats at most and, already, if President Kibaki wins, he has enough men and women around him. He is, after all, the one credited with making promises knowing he will not appear before a High Court judge for reneging.

He will tell you it is realpolitik at play. In Machiavellian philosophy, it is the end justifying the means. Why would he, for example, want to have Kalonzo for Vice-President when Kajiado North MP Prof George Saitoti has shown humility and willingness to work with him despite coming so close to power.

Where will he take Cabinet ministers Mr Kipruto arap Kirwa, Dr Mukhisa Kituyi and Mr Musikari Kombo? Will he tell them that Kalonzo is the consummate diplomat imbued with the love of God, and is the latter-day King of Ukambani?

What of the Shirikisho squad led by Cabinet ministers Mr Chirau Ali Mwakwere and Heritage minister and former Uasin Gishu District Commissioner Mr Rashid Shakombo. There is also Mr Morris Dzoro, the minister who, when not denying paternity in court, lords over the Tourism industry.

The first truth is this: With the clock ticking, there will be many carrots and sticks, but nothing in law binds the winner to abide by the boardroom pre-election pact. Once the iron gates of State House clung shut, and the tenant is in, it could be a different ball game.

 

 

The second truth is this: That the new or re-elected President will be sworn in on the current Constitution and he or she cannot change it at will. It will be the work of the Tenth Parliament, with its skewed ethnic arithmetic and partisan baggage. It will still require a two-thirds majority of the House to change it.

The Constitution does not say two-thirds of the MPs seated in the House! It follows, therefore, and this could be bitter for some to live with, particularly the Orange Democratic Party brotherhood led by Mr Raila Odinga, that no individual can give Kenya the Prime Minister’s post.

Unless, in the unlikely circumstance ODM (minus Kalonzo) can marshal two-thirds of the House. But even if it does, the ethnic factor will still play itself out. There is no guarantee that they will vote as a party, and not miniature tribal blocs.

That is why Karume and the likes of Cabinet minister Mr John Koech, the generals Kibaki borrowed from the enemy camp, have eclipsed the Mungatanas and Wamweres. The point is that the promise of the PM post, First and Second Vice-Presidents that hold the ODM’s drifting ethno-political tectonic plates together, could crumble once the chase is over and the carcass is in the lead hunter’s leather bag. But a lot depends on whether the leaders mean what they say.

We are truly ‘democratic’

The third truth is that we have an incumbent President who could be the first to lose an election. He is defending his seat whether he has a party now or not. He is in charge and his crews are already working.

Government coffers are opening up. Caterpillars are burrowing the roads. He will not remain on the fence for long and lunch with him on September 1 will be Sh1 million a plate!

The fourth truth is that there are many politicians who will outgrow their sale-by-date after December and, by 2012, the reality will be different. To say: Support me today and I support you in 2012 is a fallacy. I have reservations on trusting a politician’s promise to serve one term.

The fifth truth is that we have adopted the definition of politics as a game of numbers literally. At this rate, power may be just a game of ping-pong between the larger central Kenya and the new fad, Western Alliance.

As in my local butchery, each will just need a small ‘stone’ from, say, the North or the Coast to angusha the kilo.

The final and bigger truth is that, as it were in Kanu, we are all captives of the tribe and do its bidding. A roadside talk with the voter is testimony how ‘democratic’ we are!

The writer is The Standard Managing Editor, Weekend Editions

 

By Kipkoech Tanui

There are brutal truths leaders, the public and ailing parties must confront because electioneering can be delusive.

If we do not, we will probably be in the dung heap in January when we hope to have a new or re-elected Government. We always plan to win, but we tragically do not have in our hearts the room to fail.

That is why from Mwingi North MP Mr Kalonzo Musyoka to the Leader of the Official Opposition Mr Uhuru Kenyatta (he has one foot out of the backbench), they all want to be in the next Government in the fashion of Ford-People leader Mr Simeon Nyachae and Kiambaa MP Mr Njenga Karume.

It is as if we can, via strategic buy-outs, all be in Government. But sadly, there are only about 30 Cabinet seats at most and, already, if President Kibaki wins, he has enough men and women around him. He is, after all, the one credited with making promises knowing he will not appear before a High Court judge for reneging.

He will tell you it is realpolitik at play. In Machiavellian philosophy, it is the end justifying the means. Why would he, for example, want to have Kalonzo for Vice-President when Kajiado North MP Prof George Saitoti has shown humility and willingness to work with him despite coming so close to power.

Where will he take Cabinet ministers Mr Kipruto arap Kirwa, Dr Mukhisa Kituyi and Mr Musikari Kombo? Will he tell them that Kalonzo is the consummate diplomat imbued with the love of God, and is the latter-day King of Ukambani?

What of the Shirikisho squad led by Cabinet ministers Mr Chirau Ali Mwakwere and Heritage minister and former Uasin Gishu District Commissioner Mr Rashid Shakombo. There is also Mr Morris Dzoro, the minister who, when not denying paternity in court, lords over the Tourism industry.

The first truth is this:

With the clock ticking, there will be many carrots and sticks, but nothing in law binds the winner to abide by the boardroom pre-election pact. Once the iron gates of State House clung shut, and the tenant is in, it could be a different ball game.


The second truth is this:

That the new or re-elected President will be sworn in on the current Constitution and he or she cannot change it at will. It will be the work of the Tenth Parliament, with its skewed ethnic arithmetic and partisan baggage. It will still require a two-thirds majority of the House to change it.

The Constitution does not say two-thirds of the MPs seated in the House! It follows, therefore, and this could be bitter for some to live with, particularly the Orange Democratic Party brotherhood led by Mr Raila Odinga, that no individual can give Kenya the Prime Minister’s post.

Unless, in the unlikely circumstance ODM (minus Kalonzo) can marshal two-thirds of the House. But even if it does, the ethnic factor will still play itself out. There is no guarantee that they will vote as a party, and not miniature tribal blocs.

That is why Karume and the likes of Cabinet minister Mr John Koech, the generals Kibaki borrowed from the enemy camp, have eclipsed the Mungatanas and Wamweres. The point is that the promise of the PM post, First and Second Vice-Presidents that hold the ODM’s drifting ethno-political tectonic plates together, could crumble once the chase is over and the carcass is in the lead hunter’s leather bag. But a lot depends on whether the leaders mean what they say.

We are truly ‘democratic’

The third truth is that we have an incumbent President who could be the first to lose an election. He is defending his seat whether he has a party now or not. He is in charge and his crews are already working.

Government coffers are opening up. Caterpillars are burrowing the roads. He will not remain on the fence for long and lunch with him on September 1 will be Sh1 million a plate!

The fourth truth is that there are many politicians who will outgrow their sale-by-date after December and, by 2012, the reality will be different. To say: Support me today and I support you in 2012 is a fallacy. I have reservations on trusting a politician’s promise to serve one term.

The fifth truth is that we have adopted the definition of politics as a game of numbers literally. At this rate, power may be just a game of ping-pong between the larger central Kenya and the new fad, Western Alliance.

As in my local butchery, each will just need a small ‘stone’ from, say, the North or the Coast to angusha the kilo.

The final and bigger truth is that, as it were in Kanu, we are all captives of the tribe and do its bidding. A roadside talk with the voter is testimony how ‘democratic’ we are!

The writer is The Standard Managing Editor, Weekend Editions

 

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KIBAKI LET DOWN

Posted by SG on August 24, 2007

By Martin Mutua and Caroline Mango

 

Outraged by perpetual quorum hitch in Parliament and a less than impressive performance by the Government side, President Kibaki summoned Cabinet ministers and their assistants for a dressing down.

The meeting at State House, Nairobi, came after crushing defeats of Government in Parliament on important Bills, with huge political implications for the President.

Ordinarily, Thursday is a day for the President to meet the Cabinet to review and briefing on Government programmes.

But the meeting, which also saw the presence of Assistant ministers, was an extraordinary session at which a disappointed Head of State is said to have tongue-lashed his ministers as he cited their poor performance in the House.

Sources told The Standard that the President appeared to have been incensed by the defeat of a Government Bill and an adjournment Motion in a single week, due to poor attendance of Cabinet ministers.

Last week, the Opposition ganged up with some Government backbenchers to defeat a Constitutional Amendment Bill, in which Justice minister Martha Karua sought to increase parliamentary seats by 40 and create an additional 50 special seats for women.

Members, particularly women MPs and those from the Government side, are said to have, prior to the debate, put pressure on Karua to step down the Bill to allow for consultations. But the Justice minister is said to have stood her ground.

The Bill was of a constitutional nature and, therefore, required a two-thirds majority of MPs to sail through.

When the Bill came up for debate, there were about 80 MPs in the House, with most ministers and their assistants giving it a wide berth. Consequently, the Bill was thrown out since the Standing Orders demand that there be at least 145 members present to physically vote.

The same week, the MPs again defeated an Adjournment Motion that had been moved by the Leader of Government Business and Vice-President, Mr Moody Awori, after both the Opposition and Government backbenchers ganged up, blurring the line between Government and Opposition and defeating the principle of collective responsibility for ministers.

President rejected MPs Sh3 million gratuity

Legislators are said to have been angered by the Government move to seek adjournment yet they had demanded to have the Statute Law Miscellaneous Amendment Bill brought to the House for debate.

The Bill, which came up for debate in Parliament on Thursday, was seen as being used by MPs to blackmail the Government after it provided for a gratuity of Sh1.5 million for each MP, far lower than the Sh6 million proposed earlier.

On Thursday, sources at the State House meeting told The Standard that the President was unhappy with persistent quorum hitches in the House resulting in failure to pass Government Bills.

The sources said the President told the ministers and Assistant ministers that it was their responsibility to be in the House to ensure there was quorum and therefore that Government Bills sailed through.

The President reportedly told the ministers to work as a team and temporarily suspend other engagements to attend all sessions to ensure that the Government did not lose again.

Sources said the President expressed concern that some ministers deliberately avoided Parliament when crucial Bills come up for debate.

“The President was not happy and he told us that we had let him down before Kenyans who expected us to deliver as a Government,” said a source.

The President rejected members’ demands to have them paid Sh3 million each as gratuity, but agreed to their getting Sh1.5 million as had been recommended by the Cockar report, said the source.

The President is said to have told the ministers that he was ready to work with all political parties.

The sources said the Head of State told them that if political parties worked in harmony, there was no doubt he would be re-elected.

No snap elections

The sources further said the President assured his ministers that the life of the current Parliament would go to the full term and that the polls will be held in December and, therefore, there was need for them to carry on with House business.

Earlier, several ministers cancelled, postponed or delegated their other engagements to be at State House for the meeting.

Cabinet minister, Dr Noah Wekesa, who was attending an official function in Kisumu, had to return to Nairobi to attend Parliament after he was told what transpired at the meeting.

“I have to rush to Nairobi and attend Parliament proceedings this afternoon,” said the Science and Technology minister.

Meanwhile, First Lady Mrs Lucy Kibaki has hit out at MPs over the persistent lack of quorum.

She said that the quorum hitches had seriously hindered House business leading to a backlog of pending Bills.

“This is a very serious affair. The country has never seen MPs who stayed away from the Chambers before like is the case today,” she observed, adding: “Some of us were disappointed on that day”.
She blamed the death of the Bill seeking to set aside 50 special seats for women on male MPs who walked out of the Chambers.

She dismissed as flimsy excuse claims that the Bill was not properly brought before the House. She said those saying that the seats were meant for women in Nairobi were wrong “because the MPs were to debate and decide how the seats were to be distributed”.

The First Lady was speaking at Ukia Girls Secondary School in Kaiti Constituency on the occasion of the Anglican Church of Kenya Mothers Union Annual Conference.

Present were local MP Mr Gedion Ndambuki, Manpower Development Assistant Minister Ms Adelina Mwau, ACK Machakos Bishop Joseph Kanuku and Makueni DC Mr James Mwaura.

Mrs Kibaki said the Ninth Parliament had frustrated President Kibaki’s efforts to put the Affirmative Action in place.

 

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MASS GRAVES FOUND

Posted by SG on August 23, 2007

By Angela Kabiru The recent discovery of mass burials in Machakos has left people wondering what caused the deaths of so many people. Shallow graves have been discovered in areas where people have lived for long without knowing what lay hidden in the ground. Most graves are shallow pits and trenches, which appear to have been dug in a hurry, and in which bodies were thrown carelessly, with men, women and children buried together.The graves have been accidentally discovered in the course of digging trenches to lay water pipes or foundations for buildings. What is surprising is that the graves have lain undiscovered for long yet the bones are less than a metre below the surface.It is not easy to conclude what caused the deaths, especially when no records are available. Even where there are visible signs of damage on the skeletons — bullet wounds, cuts and fractures — the absence of records makes it difficult to establish the cause and circumstance of events.It is, however, known that most mass graves were dug and filled during the colonial era when people were forced to live in concentration camps as a form of punishment or in reserves for ease of administration.Although it is believed that early funeral customs developed as cultural components of communities that adopted agriculture and sedentary lifestyle, many African farming communities did not bury their dead until the late 1800s or early 1900s when missionaries came. Instead, they dumped the bodies at particular places or simply threw them away in the bush where wild animals fed on them.But when Europeans came, they used some of the land to build stations and farm, and forced communities dispose of their dead properly. The practice is, therefore, not older than the advent of the missionaries or the colonial administration in the early 1900s.During the State of Emergency in the 1950s, people around Mt Kenya, especially where the Mau Mau was active, were forced into what the colonial administration called villages. The residents were easily monitored to reduce contact with the Mau Mau. This was meant to weaken the fighters because they relied on villagers for food and other supplies.The dead and the sick from such villages were buried in trenches. The land on which the graves are located is now under farming, and bones have been uncovered in the course of building roads.But Mau Mau activities were not restricted to Central Province. A 1954 report indicates that oath-taking happened in Mombasa, and each of the adherents swore to kill a white man. In Kamba territory, a gang of screaming tribesmen, shooting pistols and poisoned arrows, attacked a veterinary inspector at Machakos. They screamed: “We want your head!” One settler remarked: “If the Wakamba have now gone Mau Mau,” the position of Kenya may become desperate.”By 1954, anyone thought to be Mau Mau was captured and executed. By May 24 of that year, the British were reported to have killed 4,600 Mau Mau in fights and execution. In ‘Operation Anvil’, 35,000 Africans were rounded up in Nairobi and 26,500 sent to concentration camps in Manda Island. Most concentration camps were in hot and dry areas where conditions were inhospitable. Manyani was such a place. In her book, Imperial Reckoning: The Untold Story of Britain’s Gulag in Kenya, Caroline Erskin indicates that part of Hola Prison was used as a remote punishment camp for ‘hard core’ Mau Mau insurgents who refused to recant their oaths or affiliation to the movement. Physical and psychological abuse was used to ‘break’ detainees so that they could be ‘rehabilitated’ and moved out of the concentration camps and back to the reserves. Placed in a hard labour camp, guards severely beat the victims when they refused to work. Undoubtedly, many men died in the camps and only mass graves, which fellow inmates dug, could hold the bodies. Much of the story of the British and colonial administration was covered up and many official documents destroyed during the transition to independence.Disease outbreaks led to mass deaths and burials. An account is given of one Englishman, Henry Liddell, who established the Order of Sophia. He settled and married in British East Africa, but died of dysentery in 1924 at the age of 38. He was buried in a mass grave outside a village near Machakos. It is not indicated exactly where the mass grave is, but it could be assumed that it was in use at the time of his death. Disease outbreaks usually occur in areas of high population, the most common, as a result of improper waste disposal, being cholera, dysentery and plague. At the time, Machakos was a small urban centre, having been established in 1889, 10 years before Nairobi. It was the first administrative centre for the British colony before it was moved to Nairobi in 1899.Since it is difficult to find records on every mass burial (except where there are witnesses), the easiest way to find out would be to dig up the bones and make certain assumptions. In a reserve or village, skeletons should belong to old people with few young people. At concentration camps, the victims should be young men, most likely with visible signs of damage, including bullet wounds, cuts and fractures, on the skeletons. If the deaths were a result of a disease outbreak, all ages, male and female, would be represented, with a high percentage of children. But with most records destroyed or missing, we might never know who lies in mass graves.The writer is an archeologist with the National Museums of Kenya 

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POLICE THE MOST CORRUPT PUBLIC INSTITUTION

Posted by SG on August 22, 2007

By Elizabeth Mwai

The police force remains the most corrupt public institution, a new report by Transparency International says.

Dr David Ndii, the lead researcher in the survey.

The report also accuses lawyers of being conduits of corruption within the Judiciary and ranks them among the most corrupt professionals.“The entry of lawyers in the top 10, alongside the Judiciary, which moved from sixth to 12th, opens the possibility that this is the case of migration of bribery from the Bench to the Bar,” says the report.Dr Richard Leakey, the chairman of TI-Kenya’s steering committee, said in the legal arena, bribery was being channelled through the Bar.“When the right to justice is only obtainable by those who can afford bribes and the right to demand accountability from your MP is denied, there can be no equity in justice and no equality in development,” Leakey said.He said although some sectors recorded a decline in bribe-paying, the people still bore the huge cost. The Kenya Bribery Index 2007 shows that despite the police being the most corrupt for the sixth year running, there was an improved score of 46.6, down from 60.3 in 2005.Level of corruption has largely remained unchangedIn addition, the gap between the police and the second worst ranked organisation narrowed from 90 to 30 per cent.Trends in bribe-paying and rent-seeking have also changed over the last six years despite the significantly low willingness of Kenyans to report corruption cases.The report says the level of corruption has largely remained unchanged, with respondents encountering bribes in 54 per cent of their interactions as opposed to 47 per cent in previous years.The average number of bribes paid doubled to 2.5 from 1.5 per person. However, the average size of bribe paid declined from Sh1,700 to Sh1,236, indicating an increase in soliciting for smaller amounts.The lead researcher, Dr David Ndii, explained that job seekers were now paying 42 per cent more bribes to employers and potential employers.He attributes this to scarcity of employment opportunities and the increasing demand from school leavers. Ndii said the bribe paid to get a job has increased from the previous Sh5,000 to Sh7,000, while business-related bribes have risen from Sh400 to Sh3,000.

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Kenyans! Arise and liberate the country from politics of deceit

Posted by SG on August 20, 2007

Kenyans! Arise and liberate the country from politics of deceit
Publication Date: 8/20/2007

For four months, Kenyans will witness an epic political war meant to define both the country’s future and the personal ambitions.Coalition of parties and individuals will do political and self-interested battles on simultaneous fronts. 

The questions that beg for answers are: Do Kenyans know the kind of politicians they are dealing with? Is politics delivering? What are the challenges facing Kenya? Can a new generation of leaders arise to tackle the country’s troubles?

President Kibaki will definitely present himself as a results-oriented leader, who is savouring a rare moment in his presidency: an unbroken string of great news about a spectacular economic growth.

Yet he knows not to stray too far into the issue of unemployment and the fact that the majority of Kenyans have tasted none of the stellar economic results of his stewardship.

Mr Raila Odinga likes to think of himself as a reformer, and to his credit, he does speak passionately about revising Kenya’s laws that stifle social democratic values. Yet he knows not to stray too far into the goings-on in ODM.

Health minister Charity Ngilu might offer herself as the first woman ever to lead Kenya — almost as if that were enough. So far, her strategy seems to hinge on her audacity to take on powers that be. But she has had spats with the establishment for a long time now. The time must soon come when she sets forth specific policies and a vision for the future. Only then will her real mettle be tested.

Mr Kalonzo Musyoka, Mr Musalia Mudavadi and others will promise us the world- happiness, jobs, social order, housing and prosperity, not to mention protection from everything they don’t like- crime, poverty and corruption.

Eccentric electoral outsiders, with the bank accounts and business acumen, not to forget the behind-the scenes kingmakers, will do their bidding in order to hop onto the gravy train.

Boisterous supporters will dance, wave flags, chant an array of competing slogans and flash assorted victory signs either as defiance or just the exuberance of youth. 

Deadly serious though, it might be, ordinary people like me can be pardoned for treating it all as something of a carnival.

We can never know the real story about a leader’s faith. We know only what he or she does- or refuses to do. 

Kenya today has self-absorbed leaders who belong to their own ambitions without a broader sense of obligation. Wealth and poverty have always coexisted, uneasily in Kenya. Its affluent, self-satisfied elites, whether in government or the opposition, have never shown much concern for the plight of those left in the lurch.

For all their rhetoric, the game of politicians is to try to satisfy as many voters as possible, on all sides of the political spectrum. They wax eloquent about the country’s progress and its troubles. 

They eloquently speak about the virtues of hard work, fairness, merit and responsibility. Yet they waste no time in awarding themselves huge salaries.

The suspension of critical faculties by voters is what makes even non-performing politicians maintain a mythical hold on them. The political byword these days is change.

Politicians promise it, yet very few present a compelling vision for it. We have pretenders, who talk the talk of change, but display little inclination to walk the walk.

What kind of leadership does the nation need to lift itself out of the trap of poverty, tribalism, corruption and high unemployment? 

Radical reform is clearly the answer. It should begin with a new doctrine of separation of powers, drawing a clear line between market freedoms and individual economic choice on the one hand, and the dictates of state control on the other. 

EMONG’OR EKISA,
Meru.

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WOMEN PUT UP OR SHUT UP by P OCHIENG

Posted by SG on August 19, 2007

Clearly, “affirmative action” can contribute a morsel to a group’s liberation. But the group cannot rely solely on it. For to do so is to tie its fate to the “good will” of the hegemonic system. History teaches us that an oppressed group can liberate itself only by its own bootstraps. Nobody else can liberate women because nobody else has ever experienced a woman’s suffering. By “nobody else” here, I can only mean men. As an oppressor group, men just will never initiate the emancipation of their wives.

Yet Kenya’s women have not learnt a single lesson from it. They hope to secure their freedom solely by appealing to MPs, an institution of the very same patriarchy which has oppressed women worldwide for 3,500 years.

Our Parliament is composed of machismi (as the Italians call them), men with a grotesquely bloated sense of gender “superiority”, men dripping with male bigotry, men who — like Chinua Achebe’s Okonkwo — recognise women only when they lie prostrate in the bedroom.

But, although, like racism and other forms of chauvinism, male conceit has no intellectual substance whatsoever, it has occupied the very core of our upbringing ever since Semito-Aryan patriarchy overthrew Hamito-Negro Mother Right during the second millennium BC.

It is essentially an ideology of ignorance and fear. Yet it has been inculcated as a self-evident truth, imposed with ruthless vigour. Our children grow up with an extraordinarily strong sense of gender disparity in mental and bodily abilities.

And, because it is theoretically empty, male “superiorism” is merely asserted. In practice, the male regime is spectacularly inferior in human quality — dismaying intellectual vacuity, appalling lapses in logic, profound moral bankruptcy, acts of horrendous ignobility. 

The male regime excels only in brawn. Violence and cruelty have been its nub and core. War, slavery, religious slaughter, genocide, rape, child molestation, wife-beating, street crime, political tyranny — these have been the male chief’s only means of winning an argument.

In short, male rule is without rhyme or reason. The reason, clearly, is that there is little effort in the patriarch’s classroom and living room to nurture children through pedagogy, didactics and exemplary behaviour. 

Surely, then, the only point of invading any male redoubt — like Parliament or the Church — is to revolutionise it by injecting into it a dominant sense of responsibility to all the deprived social groups, especially children and their mothers.

All these institutions were created during the rise of the patriarchal religion of the Semito-Aryans. Their purpose was to bury Mother Right forever and perpetuate the Father as the most proximate image of the creator. Many men in hegemonic power are aware of the moral emptiness and logical shakiness of this teaching of theirs. 

They know that if women romped in significant numbers into all national decision-making institutions, men’s socio-economic privileges and profligacy would be seriously eroded even at the domestic level. 

But do women understand the nature of this opposition to their quest? Clearly not. Otherwise, they would not seek entry just by clamouring to be sponsored by the MPs, men who live in the most fetid pigsties. For anybody can see that — mainly because it is so androcentric — our parliament is incapable of any form of justice.

So why do women pander to it? Because there is more to it than gender. There is the class question. All the women vying for positions in institutions of governance belong to the same economic class as the men who dominate those institutions. 

Usually, they are their wives — and equally ravenous and callous. True, they seek power in women’s name. But will they use it to liberate Wanjiku? You cannot assert it if you are aware of one lesson from the Third World’s recent history.

The nationalists fought the colonial regime in the people’s name. And yet the nationalists (and their comprador or military successors) have used that power only to oppress and starve the people. 

If any class of women is genuinely interested in liberation, it must make its own effort. Women must stop pandering to the present political parties and form a party of their own.

It is totally nonsensical for women to keep whining that they are not represented, whereas, being the majority of electors, they are the ones who keep electing the males who tyrannise us. If, in December, women do not sponsor and elect their own candidates, they should shut up.

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PROFILE OF THE SECRET MUNGIKI

Posted by SG on August 14, 2007

uesday, 11 February, 2003, 02:19 GMT

Profile: Kenya’s secretive Mungiki sect

Mungiki followers

The Mungiki are a growing force in Kenya

 

They pray as they face Mount Kenya, which they believe to be the home of their God, known as Ngai.

And their name means “a united people”.

If we are going to hunt them down, the problem is going to be worse

Sociologist Ken Ouko

But Kenya’s Mungiki followers are no ordinary believers.

Their holy communion is tobacco-sniffing, their hairstyle that of the Mau Mau dreadlocks and the origin of the sect is still shrouded in mystery.

Since the late 1990s, the sect has left behind a trail of blood in its rejection of the trappings of Western culture.

Deaths

Last week, the sect was back in the news following two days of clashes with police which left at least two policemen dead in Nairobi and 70 of its members in police custody.

Mungiki supporter

Many deaths are blamed on the Mungiki

The clashes were sparked by a dispute over the control of the private minibuses business in some parts of Nairobi, two weeks after 30 people were killed in similar clashes in the Rift Valley province.

Police say more than 50 people died last year in clashes involving the sect and owners of private minibuses, known as Matatu, in Nairobi alone.

“Mungiki is a politically motivated wing of a religious organisation,” says Ken Ouko, a lecturer of sociology at the University of Nairobi.

“The religious bit is just a camouflage. It’s more like an army unit. During the old system, they seemed to be complimentary to the system. In the new government, they seem to be antagonistic.”

Secrecy

Inspired by the bloody Mau Mau rebellion of the 1950s against the British colonial rule, thousands of young Kenyans – mostly drawn from Kenya’s largest tribe, the Kikuyu – flocked to the sect whose doctrines are based on traditional practices.

Former Kenyan President Daniel arap Moi

The Mungiki sprang up under former President Moi

One theory has it that Mungiki was formed in 1988 with the aim of toppling the government of former President Daniel arap Moi. The sect was, at one time, associated with Mwakenya, an underground movement formed in 1979 to challenge the former Kanu regime.

Other reports say Mungiki was founded in 1987 by some young students in central Kenya to reclaim political power and wealth which its members claim was stolen from the Kikuyu.

Its leadership claims to have two million members around the country and to have infiltrated government offices, factories, schools and the armed forces – members who would not necessarily sport dreadlocks but support and finance the sect behind the scenes.

What is known is that the sect operate in secrecy, taking unusual oaths and saying strange prayers in forests and rivers in central Kenya.

Kikuyu oral literature portray gory images of their ritual scenes: Grown-up men with loincloths wrapped around them, standing bare foot in rivers, engaging in snuff sessions and bathing in blood mixed with urine and goat tripe.

One of its leaders, Maian Njenga, claims he had a vision from God (Ngai) commanding him to unite the Kikuyu and fight foreign ideologies. He is now in hiding, together with his co-leader Ndura Waruinge.

Actions

After last month’s Mungiki attack in Nakuru, Interior Security Minister Chris Murungaru ordered a police crackdown on the sect. He accused the former ruling party Kanu of having nurtured and protected the sect during its reign.

But Kanu, now in the opposition, deny the allegations, saying leaders of the sect claim that some senior officials of the new government are members of the sect.

Away from the running battle with the police, the Mungiki members have also been involved in other anti-social acts:

  • Stripping women wearing miniskirts and trousers in public
  • Forcibly imposing female circumcision
  • Raiding police stations to free their own members who were under police custody.

And the sect has been assuming a new modern face, using AK-47 assault rifles instead of clubs, machete and swords.

Sociologist Ken Ouko says the Mungiki sect seem to have managed to address a social and spiritual hunger among the young slum dwellers which the church and the state have failed to feed:

“I would say this is a social reaction to either poverty or just being disgruntled.

“The best approach is talk to Mungiki. If we are going to hunt them down, the problem is going to be worse.

“We have to take a diplomatic approach.”

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Nothing costs more than a cheap politician!

Posted by MaasaiWarrior on August 11, 2007

  

Posted by maasaiwarrior on August 11th, 2007

Nothing costs more than a cheap politician!
The funny thing about political  jokes is that many a times they are elected once and again. In many cases, you would hear many Kenyans  commenting that they prefer the devil they know than the angel they haven’t met.
In many occasions, our traditions and culture dictates  us to vote for people from our own tribes and in some times, within our own clans.
”Our people”
Some politicians are elected just because they belong to a certain society and not because they had the qualities and qualifications required to bring any development in the society.
They own the title ”our leader” People get blinded by our own prejudice against others that we end up voting for our own death.

Who is ”our  people? And who is NOT?”
How is it possible for a group of people to continue voting for a passive lazy politician who never comes home with any fruits?
Who is ”our  people? And who is NOT?”  Kenyans are our people and always will be.
It would be worth if we re establish our identity as Kenya. Our identity is deep rooted in the background history of Kenya. Some pathetic tribal and sometimes clan boundaries are exploited by selfish politicians for their ill fated motives. This wolves are out to ruin our lives and the lives of our children and of the generation to come. We must all participate in stopping them.
Chap politicians are dangerous to our societies survival and for the environment at large.
The most nasty think about these “political JOKES is that they play their jokes with innocent citizens purporting to be agents of change. The intensify propositions for goof things  in better time to come. All this false promises leads to empty ends.
A few moths before election,, these  Political Jokes-we call them (PJs) discover that they need to connect to the society- the one who is normally referred to as the man in the street. Pjs cannot succeed without full support from the Man in the street. He is the one with the voting power and the Pjs are well aware of it.

Vote wise this time
Avoid to be intimidated by Pjs
Do not sell your voting card to Pjs
Do not accept campaign hand outs comprising of Miraa/khart, alcohol or any other cheap hand outs
Do not vote for the devil you know for the angel you don’t know might deliver you from hell
Avoid voting for people but good ideology/ good ideas that seem to favor common man. Good ideas shall always stay but unfortunately people don’t
Be careful when comparing tribes against another, identify Kenyans by regions.

Identify reasons why you must vote for a particular party or candidate
What ideology/ideas and political points does she or he has?
How will your life be affected by your vote?
Belief that your vote is worth everything and counts. Your voice can make a difference!
Be a responsible voter read well the information provided before you vote, take your time and ask yourself why you are voting.
The most paramount right you have as a voter is your voting right a
Remember gender sensitivity importance!

The new world
The new world has a lot to give. Much has been reaped from it that the nature is changing without direction. We must take control. This world is a loan to us to take care of it for our kids and generations to come and not for us to break it down,

Changing society
The knowledge of what happens when a society goes through transition period is very important for us to acquire. It is our obligation to invite change with all our openness and intelligence in order to gradually integrate with it.
With integrity, trust knowledge and well working government, Kenya can be turned back from what it was to be before all this chaos arose
By the Chairman CCM KS
Saidimu Ole Ngais

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Kenya can apply some functional welfare strategies

Posted by MaasaiWarrior on August 11, 2007

Will Kenya be able to apply some functional welfare strategies?
What is it that Africans got it all wrong?
Many political decisions are about social politics! It is simply saying people’s welfare security.

Economical growth makes reforms easier to manage but when almost ¾ of the population is poorly educated, then obviously one would expect things manifest themselves around the same patern of failures with no development but multitude of of corruption and other shameful deeds.

Less joblessness, better income and working tax facilities are among well functioning strategies a practical welfare system.
The system would be able to pay for itself and citizens get sick, then they will get compensation and other welfare insurance support from the state.

A welfare system resembles any other insurance where you pay in and when you get sick or jobless, you get compensation from the society in order for all citizens to live a decent basic living standard. NO one is allowed to starve! Is it so difficult for Kenya to even try this strategies or is it so far away a head of our time? CCM believes its time for changes for the better of mwananchi.
ByThe Chairman CCM  Sweden Branch
Saidimu Ole Ngais

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