CHAMA CHA MWANANCHI, SOCIALIST

KENYA’S LEADING SOCIAL DEMOCRATS

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IN DEFENCE OF A KENYAN FREE MEDIA

Posted by SG on January 8, 2009

IN DEFENSE OF THE FREE KENYAN MEDIA.

CCM stands in place of a pro-poor people movement. The Party, unabashedly, at all times proclaims the greatness of Kenyan people to the world. Kenyan Wananchi are no longer invisible of the world given the Obama factor. And just because the Wananchi have been subju­gated for decades by their own leaders does not mean they would not now stand up and democratically fight for their wellbeing and their pride.

Exploitation from all angles does not equal inferiority. Although mercilessly impoverished, materi­alistic poverty is not a sign of morale inadequacy. When the press informs the Wananchi about their leaders it does so just in recognition that the Wananchi are the real bosses when it comes to whose interests comes first.

The sickening power and material greed of elected and self imposed Kenyan leaders – in an increasingly unpopular and insensitive coalition – must not stop the media from informing and entertaining the Wananchi.

For now the media is un-avoidable public eye. We are living in a country where official opposition does not exist and the free media is the only watchdog of the voiceless voting population.

Through a free media the Wananchi do get chances to air their grievances. Once that happens, the majority of the current MPs and senior government officials blame the media for giving out unclassified information that exposes the leaders’ skeletons and unwarranted misrule.

Nearly everyone in today’s coalition government has skeletons in his or her closet that can look bad, if brought into the light in a certain way by a fearless and free media. Hence the breaking-speed by parliament to gang the free media before some truths are brought to the attention of the angered and overtaxed population.

What the Kibaki and Raila shaky leadership have quickly ignored is the fact that ordinary Kenyans are a people with a conscience and a dignity.

During 1990s and in the year 2002, a fearless and committed media served as a motivator-as well as rationale for the Wananchi for taking action to dislodge a regime that had become insensitive to the Wananchi demands for political changes. Among today’s leadership are those who believed it was impossible to remove Moi and his henchmen from power.

Most of the leaders in the coalition have forgotten that journalists as well as Wananchi were detained, went to jail and some lost their lives during the dark days of Kanu rule. The friendship of the media and Wananchi dates far back in those days of street demonstrations and torture inside the Nyayo House dungeons.

For some of those tax free living MPs who passed the media bill, looking back to what happened in 2007 general elections alone sends cold chills in their spines. As time runs out, they find themselves having fallen short of the expectations of the now awakened Wananchi.

These MPs see no other way to cling to power or escape such nightmares as being suspects in the Waki list. Instead of letting the truth set them free they conspire, point their middle fingers at the free media, and pass unpopular media bill aimed at keeping the press brutally ganged during the Waki report court hearings. Amnesty won’t come easily.

Even for the greedy MPs, escaping taxation will not last long. The media community pays taxes. The poor of Korogocho and the forgotten peasants do. Those in IDPs do also indirectly pay whenever they buy paraffin or some salt to taste their Ugali.

In fact an order by Kibaki to look at the bill would not have been had he and his confused PNU cabinet members listened to the voice of the people before accenting to it. By ordering a look at it does not fool anyone and makes none of his government members a Hero. To ODM MPs and leadership, pretending they were not in parliament during the passing of the bill and that they are opposed to the bill does not buy the bunch a trouble free ticket to the next parliament.

A clean democratic pro people leadership does not need to gang the press and instead needs it to reach the majority of its citizens. A clean government that respects the rule of law allows courts to do their work lawfully to justly punish those who disobey just laws. Having a mindset that a free media is evil and unaccountable to journalistic ethics is wrong.

Thinking that the media community can be turned into a bunch of cheerleaders or remote controlled robots is even unthinkable at this moment of time. Some of the best minds we have in this country are members of the media community. In fact they are often well informed and aware of what the Kenyan Nation needs to do escape total economical, political and social collapse.

Some of the MPs read about the goings on and the suffering of the people in their electoral constituencies from the press. Sometimes these leaders tell the hungry from their constituencies to eat rats if they have no food and to stop being lazy if they have no jobs.

CCM sends a notice to the coalition government that today the Wananchi have an even longer list of grievances against the current leadership. There no secrets about it. What eats us up has been pre­sented to the leadership regularly by the press. Lets for a moment look at some of these grievances:

1- More than half the Kenya’s population survives on less than 100 ksh.a day-about the same real income as they had thirty years ago.

2- More than 26 million Wananchi lack access to basic amenities, including electricity, clean water, sanitation, land titles, police, disease and hunger protection.

3- There is a 80-90 percent failure rate for all Wananchi small Bank loans sponsored projects.

4- Ownership of Kenyan wealth is more concentrated to less than 1 percent of the population than it was before the I980-90s era of massive economic looting and privatization wave. Today the one percent of Kenyans and foreigners accounts for more than 90 percent of all private wealth.

For these MPs trying to blackout essential exposures and criminalizing free expression, they should be reminded that our constitution gives Wananchi the right to hear what others doesn’t want the Wananchi to know.

Lastly, thinking Kenyans can again be driven like robots by their leaders to slaughter as happened in 2007 and blame the media or the police for the mayhem is another illusion. The Waki report has evidence of who did what. That evidence came from the Wananchi and not from the press.

And when time comes to re democratize their country the downtrodden with or without a ganged media will do the necessary. They are just waiting. They know their freedom fighters had no pro people media helping them force the British out of their lands. But the British left.

There is time for everything under the sun. Its just a matter of time. In CCM its our ideological tradition to always stand with all whose constitution and human rights are at risk.

BY DICK KAMAU

Secretary General CCM.

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A GOOD KENYAN WIFE?

Posted by SG on August 14, 2008

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KIKUYUS’ GEMA GAMES

Posted by SG on June 21, 2008

Cat and mouse games behind Kibaki

Published on June 21, 2008, 12:00 am

By Gakuu Mathenge

Central Kenya’s political cat and mouse games from the Kenyatta era are replaying themselves right behind President Kibaki’s back and 2012 is the push button.

When Mzee Jomo Kenyatta’s demise became imminent, largely due to poor health and old age, it set off pawing and clawing among Central politicians. Today as the clock tick towards the end of Kibaki’s second and final term, succession games are not just simmering. Battle lines are shaping up between some of the President’s trusted lieutenants in the Cabinet.

President Kibaki with Justice minister Ms Martha Karua. She was recently picked as the Narc-Kenya chairperson. She has been quoted saying that the party will go it alone in any elections. Picture: File

They include Kanu chairman and Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta, who is said to be strategising on taking over Kibaki’s 2007’s vehicle to State House — Party of National Unity — to compensate for his shrunken control of Kanu.

Uhuru supported Kibaki last year and he expects the region would reciprocate by handing him the mantle when he retires.

There is also Justice Minister Martha Karua, who has declared her name will be on the ballot in 2012. After losing deputy premiership, having come so close given her vicious defense of Kibaki and role in the mediation, she took over Narc-Kenya’s leadership. It is expected she has found a home and the eye is on the calendar.

Internal Security Minister and former Vice-President George Saitoti, representing a constituency in the Rift Valley, but with partial roots traceable to the Mount Kenya region, is also in the war room plotting the plunge. It is said he could be working on how to jump into the controls of Kibaki’s campaign vehicle in 1992 and 1997 — Democratic Party of Kenya. Saitoti has publicly declared interest in the presidency after Kibaki, but other than operating within Narc-Kenya, he has not shown interest in another union.

Speculation is also rife the Meru may decide to have a try through its senior most politician, Energy Minister Kiraitu Murungi. This would be against the backdrop of claims, as expressed last month during a New Gema (Gikuyu, Embu, Meru Association) meeting, that their cousins have never reciprocated their support.

It is in this mix that another flank has opened up in the region, outside Uhuru’s, Karua’s and Saitoti’s political orbit. Some seasoned politicians are flogging the sleeping giant, Gema, to as a platform to mediate what is likely to turn into a vicious tussle with the potential of fragmenting the political bloc.

It believed Uhuru’s appointment, as DPM was Kibaki’s plot to put him ahead of the pack. But before he could celebrate, Karua, announced her name would be on the ballot come 2012, and went for Narc-Kenya, which prides itself as the one with the most number of seats in the PNU constellation.

She was shortly installed as interim chairperson, pending elections in November.

Karua and her supporters make no secret of their feelings she was unfairly sidestepped in the DPM appointment.

Immediately Karua assumed Narc-Kenya’s chair, her former comrades in the flower party, former Finance Minister David Mwiraria, former Mathira MP Nderitu Gachagua and Assistant Minister Mwangi Kiunjuri announced acquisition of the Grand National Union.

Narc-Kenya’s silent tussle could come out next weekend when the party holds a convention in Naivasha. Prof Saitoti, an experienced politician has been in Government in 1983. He is wealthy, stealthy even wily.

Woo other communities

In between are the images of Central in Kenyatta’s days. With Kenyatta frail and aging, Central politicians built and changed alliances. Then, as now, it was clear a winning strategy would have to be crafted as vehicle to woo other communities.

The challenge then, for those who wanted to influence the succession plot, was either to line up behind Kenyatta’s then Vice-President, former President Moi, who was the constitutional heir apparent. One could also join the change-the-constitution movement, a Gema tool to change the law to bar the VP from automatically taking over for 90 days if the President died in office.

Kanu, the only political party then, was split between those who preferred the clause remained, led by then Finance Minister and current President, and the then Attorney General Charles Njonjo.

Leading the charge on the other side was Dr Njoroge Mungai, then Foreign Affairs Minister and Dagorreti MP. The Moi-Kibaki-Njonjo strategy included roping in the support of the Luo. The linkman was former Agriculture Minister Odongo Omamo.

The Mungai group worked with Mzee Jaramogi Oginga, who had fallen out with the Moi group in the 1960s. The two main battle fronts for the two sides fighting to succeed Kenyatta, was the ruling party, Kanu, and several ethnic welfare groups, among them Gema, Luo Union, Akamba Union under Paul Ngei, Maasai United Front of the later Stanley Oloitiptip, among others.

The restive political bloc today is also motivated by search for the post-Kibaki leadership, the bridge that would be the face of Central in a coalition of convenience. He or she could also be the presidential flag bearer.

Narc-Kenya’s presumed hold on central Kenya has since been challenged by emergence of the Grand National Union, a party that was registered late last year. It is being propagated by Kiunjuri as party leader and Gachagua, as secretary general and Mwiraria, as patron. The name of Ndia MP Njeru Githae, also features in GNU.

However, the picture of who is in what faction, and emerging outfits, could be clearer when Narc-Kenya holds its national convention next weekend. The party’s organising secretary, Assistant Minister Danson Mungatana, said the party would use the convention to launch its documents, among them election rules, manifesto and recruitment criteria. It will later roll out its election schedule.

The effect of losing young and energetic supporters like Gachagua, Kinjuri and Githae is yet to be seen, but it poses perception problems in the region. Besides that it splinters the youth vote.

Gachagua was among a small group of Narc-Kenya insiders who stopped the party’s polls even after returning officers and election materials had been deployed. His argument then was that the poll would split the party in an election year while adding no value at all to Kibaki’s re-election campaign.

Asked what the new party, Kiunjuri said the youth had been let down by major parties led by old politicians.

“It is time to curve out a youth agenda, that we can take to the negotiating table and stake demands. The existing parties keep away young people from leadership by charging hefty fees before one can run for Parliament and civic leadership. The Constitution says you cannot vie for presidency until you are 35. In Grand National Union, candidates for any position, who are aged between 18-35 will not be required to pay any fees,” he said

The Central region, Kiunjuri says, has the highest number of unemployed youths, who have been marginalised and criminalised as members of Mungiki.

“Most of the problems the region faces arise from absence of serious political leadership. We want to build a party that people will join because of its policies and not just because a tribal chieftain is the leader.”

Gema’s leadership

He argued the other parties have no policies because they only come out in electioneering. GNU, he promised, will make specific demands on behalf of its members.

Kinjuri adds the party is developing the concept of super-delegates, party members who are not necessarily involved in politics, “but will help the party make decisions and develop policies”.

Gachagua says the party intends to get involved in the ongoing discourse of constitutional review and succession debate.

“We will be pressing for the correction of the gerrymandering that Kanu did, to promote the principle of proportional representation in Parliament. Central Kenya is among regions severely under-represented in Parliament,” Gachagua said.

Gema’s picked two senior clerics, Bishop Lawi Imathiu of the Methodist Church and retired Anglican Bishop, the Reverend Peter Njenga, to oversee the rebirth. Gema supporters however insist it is not a political party but a platform to discuss issues of regional importance. They deny charges it is out to re-invent old players to continue wielding influence over public affairs from outside Parliament and political parties.

The name of the last of Gema chairman and former Defence Minister Njenga Karume, also features in the rebirth. He spoke at the inaugural meeting at the Kenya Methodist University in Meru last month. But Karume says while he supports regional unity, he is no longer interested in Gema’s leadership.

“During its heyday, with over 14,000 members, Gema was very involving and I tried to step down on several occasions. I am in no position to lead a busy public organisation now. A younger person should do it. Perhaps I can just be the patron,” he said.

Gema revival met with some hostility, especially by elected leaders from Embu, Meru and Mbeere, who accuse their Central Province cousins of having shortchanged them in sharing of the properties of old Gema.

But Karume says nothing could be further from the truth.

“Anyone who says some Gema members were shortchanged speaks from ignorance. Gema as a welfare association also had an investment arm called Gema Holdings Limited. We bought land properties for members among other investments. But only those who bought shares could claim any proceeds from the investments. We settled over 10,000 shareholders on land we bought in Naivasha and Laikipia,” Karume revealed.

Karume, however, says the region was entitled to seek political unity just like other regions and communities and would support such efforts.

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KENYA, IS RAILA A TURNCOAT, AMNESTY FOR KIBAKI AND RAILA?

Posted by SG on June 18, 2008

Last word on Sunday – Is Raila a turncoat revolutionary?

Story by MUTAHI NGUNYI
Publication Date: 6/15/2008

The tragedy of the last election is not that we killed – this is how nations are made. The tragedy is that we continue to miss the point.

Let me begin with the question of amnesty. The person who needs “amnesty” the most is President Kibaki because, under his leadership, our peaceful country was pushed to the brink  of a civil war.

For this, he committed a downright sin of omission. On their part, the ODM “boys” in custody committed the sin of commission through mayhem.

Like a spider web

Either way, both the president and the “boys” sinned. But as they say, the law is like a spider web: it catches the small flies and avoids the big birds. In our case, we want to fry the helpless “boys” and pretend that the “biggies” are innocent.

This is a lie, and we cannot bring national healing like this. Forgiveness should be unconditional and inclusive. If we grant President Kibaki “amnesty” for his sins of omission, we have to grant amnesty to the “boys” for their sins of commission. The alternative is to deny both of them.

What about Prime Minister Raila Odinga? Has he committed no sins in this charade? Mr Odinga is like Moses in the Holy Bible.

He has a calling, a mission and motive. Unlike Moses, however, he took a shortcut.

We sent him with this message to Pharaoh, “Let my people go!” But when he got to Pharaoh’s palace, the man abandoned his mission. Instead of liberating the people, he agreed to share power with “Pharaoh”.

Can you imagine if Moses had agreed to become Prime Minister to Pharaoh on a 50-50 basis? I submit that Mr Odinga has done the unimaginable. And that is why he was booed by his Kisumu crowds in March.

Political ‘rogues’

In my view, “Pharaoh” is not President Kibaki alone. Pharaoh is a fellowship of economic and political “rogues”.

Mr Odinga was the people’s messenger to this fellowship. He was the symbol of struggle for the poor and downtrodden. But when he was given 50 per cent shares in the House of Pharaoh, the man became a turn-coat revolutionary.

And now he is telling us that opposition is bad. For a man who spent his entire adult life in opposition, this does not add up!

There is one more thing: once they made him Prime Minister, Mr Odinga abandoned the pursuit of portfolio balance and 50-50 power-sharing in the civil service. And his reasoning was that half a loaf of bread is better than nothing.

I do not disagree with that. My only problem is that the half-loaf was all eaten by the political bigwigs in ODM. The “boys” in custody and their sad mothers were given zero. Allow me to elaborate.

Immediately the power-sharing deal was sealed, the peace talks collapsed.

Now there is some professor, whose name we constantly forget, chairing the talks. The politicians have even asked him to go back to Nigeria or wherever he came from.

Yet this eminent professor is meant to cut a historic economic deal for the poor, listed at Agenda 4 of the peace talks.

And so I ask the question: If the politicians are not interested in this poverty agenda, should we replace them with Mungiki and other pro-poor groups at the Serena talks?

Should these groups take over and negotiate directly with the professor on behalf of the poor?

Economic frustration

I am not being flippant, but if the poor lose faith in our politics, we are in deep trouble. They will express their economic frustration through armed groups like Mungiki. In fact, we currently have around 25 armed groups operating country-wide.

What is more: the security men in our homes, and the house girls who cook our meals, are all connected to these Mungiki-type networks.

They come from Kibera, Kawangware, Mathare, and so on. And if one of their siblings or children is not a Mungiki-type, a friend who visits him definitely is. My point? We are not even safe in our homes; we should be afraid – very afraid.

Poverty crisis

This brings me back to Mr Odinga. Although he is becoming a “turn-coat”, he is the man to handle the poverty crisis.

Two things can be done. One, he should implement radical land reforms. A good starting point is what Lands Minister James Orengo is doing.

To the poor, this man has the “Moses magic” – he will liberate them from their landlessness. To the landed rich, he is a disaster, of course. But they are deluded.

The question is not whether their extensive land will be claimed by the poor. The question is when. And their best bet is to do the reforms with Mr Orengo ahead of the storm.

Two, Mr Odinga has no choice but to talk with Mungiki. My thinking is inspired by my late father, a former Mau Mau fighter.

On a jolly day, we would discuss the war and what inspired them as youths. But almost always, he drew parallels between Mau Mau and Mungiki. I often disagreed.

Leadership failure

And to this, he would accuse me of being romantic about Mau Mau. To him, Mungiki, like Mau Mau, is a response to leadership failure in the tribe.

That is why their first enemy was the conservative rich wazees in the tribe and then the colonial master in that order.

Like Mungiki therefore, they were looking for leadership, identity and a decent livelihood. They cried for inspiration, not condemnation.

Can Mr Odinga provide inspiration to Mungiki, the Sabaot Land Defence Force (SLDF) and the other protest movements? I think he can. And if he fails to, God will raise another Moses. Do I hear an ‘Amen!” from Mr William Ruto?

Mutahi Ngunyi is a political scientist with The Consulting House, a policy and security think-tank for the Great Lakes Region and West Africa. 

 
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KIBAKI NEEDS AMNESTY TOO?

Posted by SG on June 18, 2008

Kibaki is neither Pharaoh, nor does he require amnesty

Story by EDWARD IRUNGU
Publication Date: 6/18/2008

IN AN ARTICLE CARRIED IN THE  Sunday Nation (June 15) titled ‘‘Is Raila a turncoat revolutionary?’’, the author, Mr Mutahi Ngunyi, makes untenable arguments that are misleading and deserve correction.

In commenting on the issue of granting amnesty to those involved in the post-election violence, Mr Ngunyi argues that the person who needs ‘‘amnesty’’ most is President Kibaki.

The argument is that the President committed a sin of omission which, apparently, means he failed to take action that would have saved the country from drifting into civil conflict.

To argue, as Ngunyi does, that the President neglected to act portrays a very simplistic understanding of the causes of the crisis we experienced, and indeed, the causes of conflicts in African countries generally.

What we experienced in Kenya is, in modern political discourse, described as intra-state conflict — also known as identity civil conflict.

In the study of such conflicts, two key causes have been identified. The first is horizontal inequality, which arises when power and resources are unequally distributed between groups that are also different in other ways — for instance in terms of ethnicity, religion and race.

TO ARGUE THAT PRESIDENT KIBAKI needs amnesty is to imply that he failed to address horizontal inequality as a possible cause of identity civil conflict.

This would be a most unfair accusation. It is he who has made the most elaborate and systematic effort to ensure that power and resources are equally shared among Kenyans.

To begin with, President Kibaki constituted a Government of National Unity during his first term with a view to ensuring that all Kenyans were represented in government. In terms of resource distribution, he introduced a wide range of measures to ensure equity.

These include the devolution of resources through the Constituency Development Fund, the Constituency Bursary Fund and the Road Maintenance Levy. To these efforts must be added the free education programme and free treatment of Malaria, TB and HIV/Aids.

The second cause of identity civil conflict is what has been called the abuse of ethnicity and other types of identity. In this case, political leaders or the so-called sectarian entrepreneurs, manipulate ethnic, religious and historical differences in their search for instruments either to ascend to power, to legitimise their rule, or to advance a particular cause.

President Kibaki has never been known to incite people against one another. Indeed, the call to Kenyans to shun tribalism has been a constant refrain in his speeches since 2002.

What this means is that those who need amnesty are those who manipulated ethnicity and other sectarian issues such as religious and historical differences to incite people against each other.

Indeed, and as will be clearly recalled, ‘wedge issues’ such as class, ethnicity, generational gap and religion were exploited to win the hearts and minds of voters during the last General Election.

It is important to note that the manipulation of sectarian issues such as ethnicity, religious and historical differences has been the cause of serious civil wars in Africa. In many cases, the issues that ethnic entrepreneurs use to foster divisions are mere excuses.

Rwanda offers a good example. In that country, Hutus and Tutsis coexisted peacefully for many years. They spoke the same language, shared the same  culture, and practised the same religion.

Therefore, it cannot be argued that recent rivalries are rooted in medieval differences. Communal violence did not begin in Rwanda until 1959, and did not worsen until the 1990s.

The case of Rwanda is not an exception. In Bosnia, the Serbs and Croats coexisted, and both claimed Muslims as members of their communities until World War II. Similarly, Muslims and Jews in Palestine had no special history of hatred until 1921.

This late emergence of identity conflicts strongly suggests that it is agitators who dream up fancy historic pedigrees for their disputes, but the mythologies of hatred they contrive are, in reality, largely recent inventions.

It is comforting to note that President Kibaki has moved to put in place legislation aimed at addressing negative ethnicity. This legislation will go a long way towards enabling the country to deal effectively with leaders who manipulate sectarian issues that can lead to ethnic hatred and conflict.

BEYOND THE ISSUE OF AMNESTY, I take exception to Mr Ngunyi’s reference to the President as Pharaoh. There is perhaps nothing wrong in being  called Pharaoh which, today, is used interchangeably with the Egyptian word for king. But the reference to Moses suggests that Ngunyi is likening President Kibaki to the Pharaoh who enslaved Jews.

It would be a travesty of justice to liken President Kibaki with the Pharaoh of the Exodus. He has all the credentials of a leader liberating his people from poverty, ignorance, disease and repression.

For example, it is the Government that has freed parents from the burden of paying fees for the primary and secondary education of their children.

Moreover, under President Kibaki, Kenya is perhaps the most open society in the world where people enjoy unfettered fundamental rights and freedoms.

Mr Irungu works with the Presidential Press Service.

 
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MUGABE TO WIN OVER TSVANGIRAI IN RUN-OFF

Posted by SG on June 14, 2008

In the runoff, Mugabe’s ‘victory’ must not shock

Published on June 14, 2008, 12:00 am

By Columbus Mavhunga in Harare

Despite presiding over a collapsed economy — probably the worst in the world — Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe can be declared the winner of the June 27 presidential run-off.

While this might turn to be shocking or unrealistic, events on the grounds and history of Zimbabwe prove that Mugabe might claim victory of the elections. This is despite having lost to Morgan Tsvangirai in the March General Election.

In that election, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC)’s Tsvangirai rode on the back of a dejected electorate that wanted to end Mugabe’s 28-year rule. The electorate was not happy with the manner in which Mugabe was managing the once-prosperous country.

Zimbabweans went into the March elections with inflation — the highest in the world — officially at 165,000 per cent, now it is well over 200,000 per cent while other estimates put it at more than one million per cent. The county then was facing severe shortages of most basic essentials ranging from fuel, electricity, foreign currency, bread and maize meal among other items. The situation has since deteriorated. The Zimbabwean dollar has become virtually worthless. It is now trading above $500 million (after removing three zeroes) against the US dollar.

The country has a $50 billion note, but that note will not buy much since a loaf of bread costs about a billion dollars!

With all that background Mugabe has made it clear that he will reverse his defeat in March in which MDC leader got 47.3 per cent of the vote.

Mugabe is a veteran in politics; he has been in the game longer than Tsvangirai. That experience is likely to work to his advantage.

Mugabe, shaken by the rebuke he suffered at the hands of voters on March 29, was widely rumoured to be considering resigning. He was out of the public domain for more than two weeks, only to reappear on the country’s Independence Day, on April 18, with venom directed at the West, the whites and its ‘stooge’ — Tsvangirai and the MDC.

Since then Mugabe has not looked back. He has summoned all the resources and experience at his disposal to make sure that the campaign terrain is bumpy for Tsvangirai.

There has been intensified violence taking place mostly in the Mashonaland provinces. This, the opposition says, is targeted at its supporters while Zanu PF makes a counter accusation. Victims, however, say the perpetrators are members of the army and Zanu PF militia.

“We won the March polls, so the violence is being perpetrated by the loser, who has a score to settle with the electorate,” said Tsvangirai at a press briefing this week.

Whoever is responsible for violence, it has become apparent that MDC members are on the receiving end and that this is likely to make it difficult for them to go and express their wish on June 27.

The violence has not touched much on the Ndebele-speaking areas in the southern part of Zimbabwe, despite them having voted overwhelmingly against Mugabe. The violence is confined to rural areas in the Shona-speaking areas that used to be Zanu PF stronghold.

“This shows that Mugabe has failed to reign in on the Ndebeles,” says Alphas Mukonoweshuro, a political analyst and a strong critic of Mugabe.

Said he: “There was a massacre of the Ndebeles in the 1980s and that did not work. As to whether that will apply after this wave of violence, the jury will only give verdict after the June poll. But generally, violence is a tactic that does not work.”

But Mukonoweshuro must have forgotten that the ‘fear factor’ worked before. In February 2000, Zimbabweans voted awesomely against Zanu PF in a constitutional referendum. Immediately after, war veterans unleashed a spate of violence targeted at MDC supporters. In the June 2000 elections, Zanu PF won the elections despite the fact that the situation had not changed for the better.

That tactic, which was later named the ‘margin of terror’ by the late political analyst and nationalist Masipula Sithole, might leave Mugabe a victor in the run-off.

State brutality

Zanu PF has argued that it stopped food aid programmes by non-governmental organisations, last week, because they had been campaigning for the opposition.

It is now using food as a weapon to punish Zimbabweans for voting against Mugabe in the March elections.

“We discovered that some NGOs were campaigning for the MDC hence taking this bold decision to suspend their operations,” said Bright Matonga, the Zimbabwe’s deputy minister of Information.

“We want to make the playground level by stopping their operations until the election is over. Those that are not biased can resume operations as soon as we finish vetting them.”

Zanu PF is now distributing food at its campaign rallies to bait voters, some of which the US says was food seized from its aid. US says the food consignment was meant for children.

On Tuesday, Tsvangirai said Mugabe had allowed the military to take charge of the country.

“This country is now effectively run by a military junta,” Tsvangirai told reporters in Harare. “As a people, we have been exposed to state-sponsored brutality.”

On Monday, the Human Rights Watch released a report that blames a secretive body of military and police commanders in the Joint Operations Command for orchestrating the political violence that has rocked the country since the March election.

MDC claims that 66 of its supporters have been killed and thousands more beaten, tortured, wrongfully arrested and forced to flee their homes.

While it has distanced itself from the violence or campaigning for Zanu PF, the army, that the MDC alleges, is now in charge has made clear that it will not accept the MDC in government.

After the March election, Army Chief of Staff, General Constantine Chiwenga, told the media that “the army would not support or salute sell-outs and agents of the West”, an apparent reference to the MDC.

Zimbabwe police have made sure that Tsvangirai and his leadership spend more time in detention than campaigning. Since his return home, after spending more than a month outside the country, Tsvangirai has been arrested more than four times — at one time being held for more than nine hours and on Thursday he was detained twice. On all occasions he was released without being charged.

About 10 MDC MPs are either in police custody, are wanted or have a case to answer. The latest being the party’s Secretary-General Tendai Biti, who was arrested upon return at the airport. He faces charges of treason, an offence that carries the death penalty in Zimbabwe.

“These are all trumped up charges just to ensure that our campaigning is reduced to nothing and we concentrate on fighting for our liberty instead of meeting the people,” says Nelson Chamisa, the MDC spokesperson.

However, his Zanu PF counterpart, Mr Patrick Chinamasa has a different view: “That (arrests) have nothing to do with the elections, it has everything to do with the law. Let the law take its course. We want a peaceful country. That can only be achieved if the police arrest suspects.”

Chinamasa, who is Mugabe’s Justice minister, dismissed the Human Rights Watch that says the chance of a fair and democratic run-off election in Zimbabwe had been “extinguished”.

“I am not surprised by such fiction in the report as it is meant to ensure there is something to say after president (Mugabe) is declared the victor. The report is full of patent lies,” said Chinamasa. The Human Rights Watch report says, with thousands of opposition supporters found to have been tortured and intimidated by Harare, while others are living in fear, the run-off will not be fair.

The report claims it has evidence that Zanu-PF was responsible for abductions, beatings, torture and killings of supporters of the opposition party.

“Zanu PF supporters are actually the victims and the report conveniently left out that to save its purpose. Despite that, our party will win this second round,” said Chinamasa.

Mugabe’s victory must not be a surprise, he and his party has done a lot of groundwork.

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OBAMA’S WAR SHALL BE ON RACIAL, GENDER AND RELIGION DISCRIMINATION

Posted by SG on June 8, 2008

Fifth Columnist – The best we can expect of Obama

Story by PHILIP OCHIENG
Publication Date: 6/8/2008

Exactly what do we mean when we say that Barack Obama has made history? For the professional historian — because he has studied so many cases — the answer is double-edged and scary.

For it is clear that, whatever the history-maker has done, he has done it in opposition to a solid status quo which — precisely because of the breakthrough — is redoubling its effort to roll back the wheels of history.

Barack Obama has done what no other black American has ever done. Yet this is historic merely because, despite amazing futuristic techno-scientific achievements, his country’s mind remains enslaved by the most primitive tribal ideas about colour, gender and religion.

That is the dilemma that will face my friend’s son. By making history, he raises to its zenith the expectations of the mass of humanity throughout the world, especially among what Americans call “people of colour.”

The expectation is not merely that he will be elected. Much more important is that, if he is elected, things will change overnight. Women, fringe sects, ethnic minorities, blacks — the whole kit and caboodle — will finally feel that they really belong inside what playwright Zangwill called The Melting Pot.

But even this desire must be concretised. A tempestuous wind called Katrina recently revealed to a shocked world that hunger still rasps millions of people in the richest country in history and that the poverty line still dangerously coincides with the colour line.

That the “coloured” mass will be moved safely above the poverty line is the most important expectation that Barack’s election will symbolise. But, of course, it will be a tall order.  No individual — no matter how committed — can ever deliver such goods.

For, as Rutherford Hayes, one of America’s own presidents, once observed (daring to edit the apotheosised Abraham Lincoln), the District of Columbia’s is a “…government of the corporations by the corporations for the corporations…”

One of Barack’s great merits is that, while he is profoundly conscious of the people’s debilitating wants — their biological, mental and spiritual gnashing of teeth — in his nomination acceptance speech, he amply showed that he is also keenly aware of Hayes’ adage.

Joel Rogers and Joshua Cohen — two of America’s own distinguished political scientists — show, in their book On Democracy, that no denizen of the Oval Office has ever dared to move drastically to loosen the economic tyranny of the corporate family.

The best that anybody can do — if he wants to be elected or re-elected — is to pay lip service to “less government” and poverty alleviation at home and to the commitment, ever since Woodrow Wilson, to democracy, human rights and national self-determination in other countries.

In The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Karl Marx asserts that history repeats itself, the first time as tragedy, the second as farce. John F. Kennedy made history by becoming America’s first Roman Catholic president. And he was the first post-war candidate to fire the world’s imagination with wonderful vistas of the future.

He failed to deliver and ended up in tragedy. But aphorisms by individuals are not gospel truths. Marx’s epigram often comes to pass. But it is not an iron law. As members of a thinking animal, we need not automatically fit into the intellectual pigeonholes of analysis even by a political historian like Marx.

The upshot is that one can consciously and deliberately avoid repeating negative history. And, even where national or international circumstances should force one into repeating history, the repetition need not be farcical. This admonition is particularly germane to Barack.

Among the campaigners for the White House, none — certainly not Kennedy — has ever risen to the intellectual heights of Adlai Stevenson, that other son of Illinois. But Barack is also extraordinarily intelligent. And he is second only to JFK with that “human touch” which Stevenson so lacked.

In other words, Barack combines the intellectual force (which was so absent from the White House especially under Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and George Bush) and what Shakespeare called “the milk of human kindness” (of which, in post-war times, Jimmy Carter has been the only epitome).

But all were in office by virtue of the constitution, a document by which Thomas Jefferson and the revolutionary “founding fathers” do not even pretend to protect anything else but the corporate family’s property and “liberty”. Adherence to that constitution, then, is the best that we can expect of Barack.

Nevertheless, because he is not likely to treat any race with deliberate injustice, Barack Obama — like Jack Kennedy and a future Hillary Clinton — will have helped to liberate America from the racial, gender and sectarian dragon which has hag-ridden and debilitated that society for so long.

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COALITION DILEMA TO CONTINUE

Posted by SG on June 8, 2008

Grand Coalition Government: Has the union gone sour?

Published on June 8, 2008, 12:00 am

By Oscar Obonyo

Barely 50 days into a forced political marriage, the Grand Coalition Government is under a barrage of “friendly fire”.

Although initially fought quietly in the boardrooms, the battle has exploded with key generals, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila Odinga, at the war front.

Delivering his Madaraka Day speech last Sunday, the President ordered that those who committed criminal acts during post-election violence be punished. Curiously, he announced his stand on the issue only minutes after Raila had explained the Government would resolve the problem.

The following day, a fired up PM adorning party colours attended a campaign rally in Nairobi’s Embakasi. Here Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) allied MPs made a “No Amnesty for Party Youths, No Reconciliation!” declaration.

When the two leaders signed the National Accord and Reconciliation Agreement on February 28, they committed themselves to a “real” power sharing arrangement in Grand Coalition Government.

Then President Kibaki said: “My Government will fully support the implementation of the agreements reached under the National Dialogue and Reconciliation process until we achieve the results we want.”

President added, “There will be challenges along the way, but I am confident that through dialogue and a sense of unity and purpose for the good of all Kenyans, we shall succeed.”

Raila on the other side, said: “We should not waste a single minute to ensure that Kenyans seize the opportunity to get on with their lives. We should ensure that no Kenyan ever loses his life again senselessly.”

He noted that the crisis should be a springboard to a prosperous nation. Saying: “The crisis has taught Kenyans an important lesson to forge a firm foundation for a united country.”

But what Kenyans are seeing now is different. Differences followed almost immediately following an impasse over the formation of the Cabinet. Although the two principals finally agreed on a line-up, Raila’s ODM cried foul over what they claimed was portfolio imbalance.

What makes the emerging differences explosive is that politicians and the rest of Kenyans are roughly equally split in support of Kibaki and Raila. What is more is that the two leaders have now made public their differences.

From quiet boardroom battles, the wars between the two have finally come to the fore. And last Sunday, ugly symptoms of the same were displayed during the Madaraka Day Celebrations at Nairobi’s Nyayo Stadium.

A common saying among some Kenyan communities suggests that if one wants to gauge the degree of respect a local chief commands, one only needs to observe the treatment accorded to his dog(s).

Depending on whether the chief’s hosts choose to stone the dog, kick it out from the house or spread a mat for it to lie on, one can judge aptly how his subjects or rivals regard the administrator.

The embarrassing incident where President Kibaki’s security detail handled the Premier’s security officers at VIP entrance to Nyayo Stadium, for instance, surprised many.

A source close to Raila told The Sunday Standard the PM was “utterly horrified” by the incident involving his bodyguards.

“Although he is aware of the discomfort among some top Government officials, he was at a loss as why anybody would want to stage such an ugly show on a national day before the eyes of local and international community as well as in the full glare of a live media coverage,” confided the source.

A few minutes earlier, there was an even more dramatic episode along Uhuru Highway involving the PM and Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka. The roadside standoff between the two leaders unfolded at exactly 10:27 am drawing the attention of motorists and a curious crowd of wananchi heading to Nyayo Stadium for the national fete.

In what must have been one of the-now-usual protocol wars between the two, the VP’s motorcade racing for the stadium stopped midway to park by the roadside. The PM’s convoy following almost immediately equally stopped and parked slightly ahead of the VP’s.

For nearly two minutes, wananchi watched in disbelief as aides of the two leaders shot out of their vehicles and squabbled over who should drive ahead and enter the stadium before the other.

The high drama died down when those in the Kalonzo motorcade opted to zoom ahead. But there was more drama ahead. Other than the scuffle at the VIP entrance involving his bodyguards, the Raila/Kalonzo feud — fresh from the roadside standoff — played out again at the main podium in the stadium.

Few might have noticed that as the PM walked in, all those seated at the presidential pavilion rose to shake his hand and share pleasantries, except for the VP. Save for few shared moments of plastic laughter, tension between the two reigned throughout the event presided over by the President.

While the Madaraka Day drama has been blamed on wrangles over the pecking order between Raila and Kalonzo, a section of ODM MPs attribute it to State House.

“Kalonzo is only but being used as a pawn in this war,” claimed one MP.

Although this is a quiet war, those close to the President and the Prime Minister maintain that the two principals are determined to ensure the Grand Coalition Government works and lasts through to 2012.

“I know for sure that the President was really proud of his achievements, especially economic recovery, during the Ninth Parliament. The post-election violence briefly halted and destroyed this progress, but he is eager to work to the end and leave a legacy,” observes Mr Njeru Githae, who is Assistant Minister for Local Government.

And the ODM Spokesman and Communication director Salim Lone, equally points out that Raila is committed to the coalition because he strongly believes it is the only way the Government can work and deliver to the people.

“He has demonstrated this locally and internationally even to the point of disappointing his own supporters,” Lone said.

“Lately the Prime Minister has embarked on a mission to explain to his supporters why he must work with Kibaki.”

And speaking yesterday at a funeral in Muhoroni constituency in Nyanza Province, the PM told off those casting aspersions that the Coalition might not work in harmony, saying their relationship is cordial.

“President Kibaki and I work in unity. The President’s duty is spelled very clearly in the Constitution, same as the PM’s role. So we work along our lines very well without friction,” he said.

Separately, The Sunday Standard has established that under the current security arrangements, the VP in fact enjoys more control than the PM. While Raila does not have a security detail while on private or official functions outside the country, Kalonzo does. It is not clear whether this is by default or design.

Nonetheless, the posting of the security detail to the President and the Premier definitely poses the biggest problem. For while Raila’s escort is led by a Chief Inspector of Police, that of Kibaki is led by a Deputy Commissioner of Police. The two officers are accordingly far apart in ranking and this possibly explains why officers in the PM’s detail, are treated as juniors by colleagues in the presidential escort.

“I was at the stadium on that day and I confirm to you that some junior ranking officers, including bodyguards of assistant ministers were allowed in through the VIP gate. So why would anyone Prime Minister’s guards?” poses a National Security Intelligence Service (NSIS) official.

According to the NSIS official, the action was deliberate with the aim of sending a strong political message to the PM and his handlers.

Regretting the Nyayo Stadium incident, Githae, however, explains that it may have happened because this was the first public national function attended by the “big two”.

“This is still a learning process for all, the politicians and even the security forces. Otherwise, the presidential guards should have explained their case to their colleagues in a better way,” he says.

Citing instances involving US presidents, whose security detail ordinarily takes charge even in foreign countries, Githae explains that it is the norm for the presidential guards to take over security control at a presidential function that lasts over 30 minutes.

Meanwhile, the current amnesty debate continues to exacerbate the rift between ODM and PNU politicians. Even on this, it is evident that political interests persuade Kibaki and Raila’s standpoints. The two seem driven by guilt following the bloody repercussions of post-election violence.

While Kibaki is keen on the IDP resettlement plan to “appease his people”, Raila is focused on securing amnesty for the pro-ODM youths police arrested. He cannot possibly enjoy the fruits of Grand Coalition Government while “his youths” languish in jail.

“As a society, we should reject those who incite others to violence. We should not spare them or those who recruit the gangs that cause mayhem,” said the President last Sunday.

Raila and ODM ministers have demanded the unconditional release of their supporters “because they committed no crime”.

“Is it a crime to fight for your democratic rights? Is it a crime to stand and say that last year’s elections were rigged?” posed the Prime Minister during a lawyers’ forum last week.

A number of sceptics within PNU and ODM have dismissed the political union between the two leaders with Water minister Charity Ngilu terming it, a “come-we-stay” marriage without a firm commitment.

But her Gender and Children Affairs colleague Esther Murugi is positive about the marriage analogy: “If the sceptics consider it a marriage, then I am sure it will work. This is because in a marriage couples give their very best to hold their union together.”

A host of other ministers polled by The Sunday Standard are equally optimistic the political marriage between President Kibaki and Prime Minister Raila would work this time.

“What we are observing are mere side-shows and they should be treated as such — mere side-shows,” said Fisheries Minister Dr Paul Otuoma.

Warning against focusing on the negative aspects of the Grand Coalition Government, the Funyula MP challenges everyone to first remember and understand “where we are coming from”.

He warns: “We are working on a negotiated document that pulled us from a crisis and anybody playing games now is playing with the lives of Kenyans.”

Both Otuoma and Murugi agree, however, that working, as unit is not easy.

Says Murugi, “It is very difficult to say whether the coalition will work but those who are for it are working hard in the best way they know how to ensure a smooth running.”

She points out that the biggest challenge is the amnesty question: “If we pass through this particular difficult hurdle then I think we shall succeed as the rest will follow with ease.”

Otuoma says there is nothing out of the ordinary in the current reactions.

“It is scientifically a proven fact that even in a class, it is normal to have fast and slow learners. So let us give everyone a chance. The doubting Thomases may soon realise that this coalition will have to work anyway,” he observes.

Nonetheless, the minister is alive to fact that apart from the disputed elections, there are other underlying issues, including land and political marginalisation that are responsible for the varied opinion on the amnesty question.

“We hope the amnesty question will not slow us down. And for those trying to make political capital from it, they are bent on nothing but undermining the very healing process that the country is going through,” he states.

But Dr Noah Wekesa, Forestry and Wildlife Minister, says the current crop of political leaders “has no option” but make this Government work.

“If they have an eye on 2012 and beyond, then they must work together to nurture this coalition because if it collapses the political equation will change drastically,” warns the Kwanza MP.

“We will end up with completely new players being thrust to leadership positions.”

The minister further suggests that a seminar for all MPs be immediately organised to help legislators understand the possible gains and concept behind grand coalitions. He even suggests that qualified speakers be identified from Germany and US to help the MPs gel better.

The life of the Tenth Parliament and indeed the Grand Coalition Government is largely dependent on the two leaders. They have done it before as a team, and succeeded but with serious hiccups as in 2002, when they parted ways under Narc because of failure by one party to honour a Memorandum of Understanding.

They came together as a team and managed to destroy Kanu, but today they are busy destroying one another. To Kibaki’s advantage, though, he is doing his last five-year lap of leadership. As for Raila, every step he makes matters as he would be judged by the same in future.

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OBAMA FAMILY TREE, KENYA AND ABROAD

Posted by SG on June 8, 2008

A child of two worlds: The Obama family tree

Story by STEVE DOUGHERTY
Publication Date: 6/8/2008

The first time he arrived in Kenya in 1987, as a 26-year-old Chicago community organiser preparing to enter Harvard Law School, Barack Obama landed at the airport to find that his luggage had been lost enroute and he roared — literally — into Nairobi in an aunt’s beat-up Volkswagen Beetle with a knocking engine and no muffler.

Presumptive Democratic presidential nominee Barack Obama is reflected as he steps off his campaign bus at Troy High School in Detroit on June 2. Photo/ REUTERS

Later, on his way to his ancestral village of Kogelo, in rural western Kenya — the land immortalised in Hemingway’s Green Hills of Africa — he took an all-night train to the town of Kisumu and rode from there for hours in an overcrowded and rickety jitney-like matatu with bald tires and few seats.

Bumpy ride

On his lap during the bumpy ride were his half sister Auma, a squealing baby that a stranger asked him to hold, and a basket full of yams. It was not exactly as he had often fantasised his visit to the land of his father as a “homecoming… clouds lifting, old demons fleeing, the earth trembling as ancestors rose up in celebration.”

Nineteen years later, that surreal vision seemed to come true before his eyes. When Obama, his wife — Michelle — and their two daughters, Malia and Sasha, landed at Nairobi’s Kenyatta International Airport in the summer of 2006, the U.S. ambassador met their plane, and they were whisked past a throng of waiting reporters and ferried into town in a 12-car motorcade.

Rapturous crowds of Kenyans wearing T-shirts emblazoned with his name and likeness chanted ‘Come to us, Obama!” as he visited a memorial at the site of the U.S. embassy bombing in Nairobi.

Skipping the all-night train ride, Obama and his family flew to Kisumu where thousands lined the route to Kogelo, many climbing trees for a better view of the motorcade carrying the American that the local Luo tribespeople loudly claimed as their own. “He’s our brother,” said one. “He’s our son.”

In Kogelo, the tiny village where Obama’s father and grandfather are buried side by side and where the octogenarian Luo he calls “Granny’ still lives, crowds chanted his name, a tribal singer sang his praises, and children sang songs they had composed in his honour. A villager offered him a present “to signify our appreciation” — three-year-old goat led on a tattered rope leash.

“It is very fat,” he said, “and very sweet.” Obama politely declined and shared a meal of chicken, porridge, and cabbage with his wife and children, Auma — acted as interpreter for their Granny, who spoke only Luo — and other relatives. “Even though I had grown up on the other side of the world,” Obama said to villagers of his visit 19 years before, “I felt the spirit among the people who told me that I belonged.”

He had embarked on that journey uneasily, however. He was, he wrote in Dreams Of My Father (the literary memoir that chronicles his coming of age), “a Westerner not entirely at home in the West, an African on his way to a land full of strangers.”

Once there, however, he began to feel a sense of transformation that friends back home had described after their first visits to Africa.

“For a span of weeks or months,” he wrote, “you could experience the freedom that comes from not feeling watched, the freedom of believing that your hair grows as it’s supposed to grow and that your rump sways the way a rump is supposed to sway . . .Here the world was black, and so you were just you.”

Until that maiden voyage to Africa, a rite of passage that helped him reconcile the world he grew up in and the world of a father he never really knew, he endured a long and often painful struggle to understand who he truly was.

It was, he would recall, “a 10-year-old’s nightmare.” It was 1971, and he had just been introduced to the classroom on his first day of school at Honolulu’s Punahou School by a kindly teacher with the nice name of Miss Hefty, who heard giggles when she used his full name. “I thought your name was Barry,” said a boy he’d met when his grandfather escorted him to school that morning.

“Barack is such a beautiful name,” said Miss Hefty, who had lived in Kenya herself and had been delighted to learn that the new boy’s father was Kenyan. “It’s such a magnificent country. Do you know what tribe your father is from?”

When Obama quietly replied, “Luo,” another boy hooted like a monkey, causing the whole class to break up in laughter. Before the day was out, a red-haired girl asked if she could touch his hair, and a boy asked him if his father was a cannibal.

Privileged children

“The novelty of having me in class quickly wore off for the other kids,” Obama would later write. His fellow students, mostly the privileged children of well-off families who lived in houses far grander than the two-bedroom apartment Obama shared with his mother’s parents, weren’t overtly cruel.

They didn’t beat him up or mock him. They simply lost interest in the black kid who played soccer, badminton, and chess games he’d learned from his Indonesian stepfather while living in Jakarta with his mother for four years before returning to Hawaii without her — but who couldn’t throw a football or ride a skateboard.

As the months passed, he managed to make a few friends and “to toss a wobbly football around,” but mostly he withdrew into a routine of going home after school, reading comics, watching TV, and listening to the radio. I felt safe,” he wrote; “it was as if I had dropped into a long hibernation.”

He was shocked out of it a few months after school began when his grandparents on his mother’s side (“Gramps” and “Toot,” short for tutu, the Hawaiian word for grandmother) announced that his father and namesake — who had left home to attend Harvard University in 1963 (when Obama was two years old) and had never returned — as well as his mother, Ann (who was separating from her second husband and planning to leave Jakarta and move back to Hawaii with his half sister Maya), would all be coming for the holidays.

“Should be one hell of a Christmas,” Gramps said.

Years later Obama would write that while growing up, “my father remained a myth to me, both more and less than a man,” a figure he knew only through the stories his mother and grandparents told and the memories, almost always fond, that they shared with him.

In their stories Barack Sr was tall and handsome, gracious and wise; he spoke in a deep baritone with a lilting British accent; he had a strong singing voice, full of personality, and he was an excellent dancer; he was both powerful and kind, honest and frank — traits that could make him seem “a bit domineering” and “uncompromising sometimes,” his mother admitted. He was brilliant of mind, a Phi Beta Kappa, and charming and self-confident.

“It’s a fact, Bar,” Gramps said. “Your dad could handle any situation, and that made everybody like him.”

Dark laughing face

In family photographs, Obama saw his father’s “dark laughing face, the prominent forehead, and thick glasses that made him appear older than his years.”

From his mother he learned that his father was born on the shores of Lake Victoria in a poor village where his father, Hussein Onyango Obama, was a learned elder of their tribe, and a healer and medicine man. He taught his son to tend his herd of goats and to know the value of a good education, sending him to a local school run by the British colonial administration.

Barack Sr attended college in Nairobi on a scholarship, and as Kenya prepared for independence he was chosen to go to America to continue his education so that he could return and become a leader who would help build the fledgling nation.

In 1959 Obama’s father, then 23, became the first African student at the University of Hawaii. There, in a Russian language class, Barack the elder, who, his son would write, was “black as pitch,” met a cheerful, wide-eyed, 18-year-old freshman who was by contrast “white as milk.”

Ann Dunham was the Kansas-born daughter of a furniture store manager and life insurance salesman who harboured a bohemian streak — he wrote poetry and listened to jazz — and his more pragmatic wife, the punctual employee of a local bank whose family back in Kansas could trace a branch of its lineage to a famous ancestor Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederate States of America.

Began dating

The Dunhams had moved to the islands the year after Ann’s African schoolmate. The two began dating and after a brief courtship, wed — an act that in 1960 was a crime in most states. “In many parts of the South,” Obama would write, “my father could have been strung up from a tree for merely looking at my mother the wrong way.”

Newly admitted to the Union, however, Hawaii was young and relatively tolerant, and the family history includes no accounts of Obama’s parents suffering abuse on the streets of Honolulu. His father earned his degree in economics in just three years, graduating in 1962, the year after his son was born.

Offered a generous graduate-study at the New School in New York that would have allowed him to bring his wife and son with him to the city, Obama Sr accepted instead a tuition-only grant from Harvard, believing apparently that a Ph.D. from that world-famous institution would strengthen the portfolio he would carry with him when he returned to Kenya and took up whatever position of leadership awaited him.

Moving to Boston alone, he and Ann agreed that she and the baby would join him when his studies were complete and together they would move back to Kenya as a family.

Time and distance eroded the relationship, however, and the couple eventually divorced. Whatever memories their toddler had of his father dissolved as well.

His mother remarried and in 1967 she moved with her son and new husband, Lolo Soetoro, who was also a graduate of the University of Hawaii, to Soetoro’s homeland of Indonesia. As he grew older, Obama was told that after earning his degree at Harvard, his father had returned, alone, to Kenya, where he became an economist and an important figure in the administration of the new nation. He also remarried and had five children. Those children — four boys and a girl, Barack’s mother told him — were his half brothers and sister, his family in Africa.

His father’s month-long holiday visit to Hawaii in 1971 was painfully awkward at first, filled with long silences and disappointments. His father had recently been in a car accident and walked with a limp and a cane; he was thinner than Barack expected and he looked fragile; his eyes had a yellow sheen, a lingering but unmistakable sign that he had a history of malaria.

When his father ordered him to turn off the television — “He has been watching that machine constantly and now it is time for him to study!” he commanded — Barack ran to his room and slammed the door.

When his mother told him that Miss Hefty had invited his father to speak at his school, Barack panicked. He had bragged to his friends that his grandfather was a tribal chief, “like the king,” and his father was the prince; he himself, he hinted, was next in line after his father to lead the Luo — a “tribe … of warriors,” he said; the family name, Obama, he added, “means ‘Burning Spear.”’

As much as he dreaded that his exaggerations would be exposed as lies, he listened enthralled along with his classmates and teachers as his father spoke vividly and eloquently about Kenya and its people and history. When he finished to much applause, ‘a teacher told Barack “You’ve got a pretty impressive father.”

“Your dad,” said a classmate, the boy who had asked on the first day of school if is father ate people, “is pretty cool.”

After that, he warmed up to his father. They attended a Dave Brubeck concert and his father gave him a basketball for Christmas. They walked around the city; and his father introduced him to old friends from college. They lay side by side on his father’s bed, reading together. On the day he left, he gave Barack two records of African music that be had brought from Kenya as a present.

“Come on Barry,” his father said as the record played on Gramps’s stereo. “You will learn from the master.”

With that his father began to sway to the music, his arms “swinging as they cast an invisible net,” his head back, his eyes closed, his “hips moving in a tight circle … he [let] out a quick shout, bright and high.”

He would remember the sound of that hour, and he would exchange letters with his father and dream about him through the years, but he would never see him again.

Soon after his father returned to Kenya, Obama left his grandparents’ apartment and moved in with his mother, who was studying for a master’s in anthropology, and his half sister Maya in an apartment near his school.

Civil rights movement

He grew close to his mother during that time and it was her ideals, forged in 1960s and stirred by the civil rights movement, that formed him. Ann drilled him her values, Obama writes,  “tolerance, equality, standing up for the disadvantaged.” But when Ann urged him to return to Indonesia with her and Maya, where Ann planned to do the fieldwork necessary for her degree, he refused.

He hinted that it was because he had grown to like his school and he didn’t want to be cast as the new kid again, once more a the stranger, proving himself in yet another foreign world.

But the real reason, he wrote, was that he had become “engaged in a fitful interior struggle” to forge his identity, to come to grips with a basic fact of his life, that he was “a black man in America,” but one with no model, no father, to learn from.

Living once again in his old bedroom in his grandparents’ apartment, he settled into the universal teenage routine of school, part-time jobs, and coping with, he wrote, “turbulent desire.”

Years later, when Obama was a candidate for the U.S. Senate, he told a reporter whose seventh-grade daughter had accompanied him on an interview that when he was her age, “I was such a terror that my teachers didn’t know what to do with me.”

And his half sister, now married and living in Honolulu, told Time that in high school, Barack “had powers . . . he was charismatic,” said Maya Soetoro-Ng. “He had lots of friends” and such a way with women that he would go to the University of Hawaii campus to “meet university ladies.”

Throughout his junior high and high school years, he studied his father’s letters and tried to glean clues to the bigger mystery of who he was and who he was to become from his grandfather’s circle of black friends, poker buddies, and drinking mates.

But his father offered only vague aphorisms (“Like water finding its level, you will arrive at a career that suits you,” he wrote in one letter), and Gramps’s pals were friendly enough, but as soon as the cards were dealt, they clammed up, leaving 12-year-old Barry sitting at the bar of one of their hangouts in a Honolulu red-light district, “blowing bubbles into (his) drink and looking at the pornographic art on the walls.

From TV and radio and the movies he found some guidance, listening to Marvin Gaye croon and learning dance steps from Soul Train, watching the way Shaft walked and talked, and learning the joys of humour, language, and cursing from Richard Pryor. But he also noticed how Bill Cosby never got the girl on I Spy and how the black guy on Mission: Impossible never emerged from his subterranean fair into the light of day.

If his father’s letters didn’t help him find his way, the Christmas present he gave his son did. Unlike football, basketball was a game he was not bad at and that he played, he wrote, “with a consuming passion that would always exceed my limited talent.”

In high school, he was talented enough to make the varsity team and he played pickup games at the University of Hawaii, where black players taught him some of the rules of the other, bigger game: “That respect came from what you did and not who your daddy was”; that talking trash was fine, as long as you could back it up; and that a man should never show emotions, especially hurt and fear, that he didn’t want an opponent to see.

Years later he would realise, he wrote, that he “was living out a caricature of black male adolescence, itself a caricature of swaggering American manhood.”

Even so, on the basketball court he found a community of friends, white and black, among the latter his closest friend, Ray — an  engaging, smart, and funny athlete, an Olympic-calibre sprinter whose potbelly made him not look the part.

Ray was among a growing number of black kids who had moved to Hawaii from the mainland and whose “confusion and anger,” Obama wrote “would help to shape my own.” Bonding between themselves, Obama and Ray and their other black friends chuckled over the ways of “white folks,” enumerating the slights and insults they’d endured.

For his part, Obama recalled a seventh-grader who called him a “coon,” tennis pro who told him not to touch a posted tournament match schedule because his colour would rub off on it, a basketball coach who complained that opponents in a pickup game were “a bunch of niggers.”

At the same time, he felt removed from the camaraderie of his friends. “Sometimes would find myself talking to Ray about ‘white folks’ this and ‘white folks’ that,” he wrote, and I would suddenly remember my mother’s smile, and the words that I spoke would seem awkward and false.”

Goddamned Hawaii

Though Ray often told him how much he liked Gramps and Toot, his screeds about whites and their racist deeds caused Obama to remind him that “(They) weren’t living in Jim Crow south” or a “heatless housing project in Harlem or the Bronx. We were in goddamned Hawaii!”

And so his life became a routine of school and basketball, hanging out with his friends, and being home in time for dinner and to help Gramps do the dishes — slipping “back and forth between my black and white worlds.”

But worlds collide, in small, inexplicable ways; he would flinch when a white girl said she liked Stevie Wonder or the lady at the checkout counter asked if he played basketball or the principal told him he was a cool dude.

“I did like Stevie Wonder, I did love basketball, and I tried my best to be cool at all times.” He tried to figure out why such seemingly innocent, offhand remarks riled him the way they did, but the answer eluded him.

In his search for role models and surrogates for the main character missing in his life, Obama found a trove in the books of James Baldwin, Ralph Ellison, Langston Hughes, Richard Wright, and WE.B. Du Bois.

But even as he devoured them reading not for entertainment as much as out of a hunger to discover their hidden meanings and deeply rooted truths — he was unsettled by what he found at their core.

“I kept finding the same anguish,” he wrote, “the same doubt; a self-contempt that neither irony nor intellect seemed able to deflect. Even Du Bois’s learning and Baldwin’s love and Langston’s humour eventually succumbed to its corrosive force; each man finally forced to doubt art’s redemptive power.”

Malcom X

Only Malcolm X seemed not to have given up. Where the others withdrew (“exhausted, bitter men, the devil at their heels”), it seemed to Obama that Malcolm had invented his own path to redemption.

But not even Malcolm could prescribe a treatment for his deepest pain, could not heal the wound of his rent worlds. “He spoke of a wish he’d once had, the wish that the white blood that ran through him, there by an act of violence”— rape—” might somehow be expunged.”

For Obama, that would mean abandoning “the road to self-respect” that his search had put him on. He would be betraying himself, he wrote, if he “left my mother and my grandparents at some uncharted border.”

Obama doesn’t say so in his book, but during this period in his life when he was reading voraciously, educating himself, and plumbing the depths of his feelings, trying, however unsuccessfully at the time, to untangle and understand them, hoping to find the fully realised man—the father—in himself, the seed of a different kind of salvation began to germinate. He was beginning his education as a writer.

It would be decades before he would discover and realise his talent for the written word — he composed Dreams from My Father when he first began to practise law, in the early 1990s, long before his first forays into politics. But less than two years after he graduated from high school, he would discover the writer’s most essential tool and greatest gift — his voice.

“Junkie. Pothead. That’s where I’d been headed: the final, fatal role of the young would-be black man.”

So Obama would describe himself as an 18-year-old freshman at Occidental College in Los Angeles, in 1979. “Pot had helped, and booze; maybe a little blow when you could afford it. Not smack though.”

He didn’t try heroin, he wrote, because the guy who wanted to turn him on to it was shaking and sweating, and Obama didn’t like the looks of the rubber tubing he tied off with and the needle he stuck in his arm. He wanted no part of the oblivion the man was pushing; it looked too much like death.

He did drugs in those days, not because he “was trying to prove what a down brother I was,” he wrote, but because the high helped him “push questions of who I was out of my mind.”

Occidental’s was an idyllic, leafy campus, near Pasadena and far from the sprawling ghettos on the south side of L. A. Obama was easily accepted into the black student population, many of them kids from the ghettos who were happy to have escaped the gritty and dangerous streets they’d grown up on. I hadn’t grown up in Compton, or Watts,” Obama wrote. “I had nothing to escape from except my own inner doubt.”

Then there were the black kids from the suburbs, like one beautiful coed who got offended when Obama asked her if she was going to a Black Students’ Association.

Aligning himself with students whose black cred was unassailable, he made friends with one righteous dorm mate whose sister had been a founding member of midwest Black Panther chapter and who himself had run-ins with the police and had friends in jail. “His lineage was pure, his loyalties clear, and for that reason he always made me feel a little off-balance.”

The strategy, to show that he was just as righteous as his dorm mate, backfired when, to Obama’s lingering shame, he mocked another friend, a black student, but one from a middle-class background who dressed like a preppy, “talked like Beaver Cleaver” and had a white girlfriend, for being a bogus brother.

“Why you say that, man?” said his dorm mate. “Seems to me we should be worrying about whether our own stuff’s together instead of passing judgement on how other folks are supposed to act.”

Later, the memory of that incident and the shame it induced, helped snap him out of his pot haze. It was his own fear of  not belonging, he realised, that led him to ridicule his friend—the fear “that unless I dodged and hid and pretended to be something I wasn’t I would forever remain an outsider, with the rest of the world, black and white, always standing in judgment.”

He understood finally that he did not have to be slave to fear and anger and despair, that both worlds, black and white — his father’s and mother’s — were part of him and “only a lack of imagination, a failure of nerve,” he wrote, “had made me think that I had to choose” between them.

Glimpse into the future

A glimpse into the future occurred during his sophomore year, his last at Occidental, when, with the encouragement of a girlfriend, he became involved in the nationwide student movement to demand that colleges and universities divest themselves of financial interests that helped support the apartheid government of South Africa.

At a student rally, Obama rose to speak in public for the first time. “There’s a struggle going on,” he said as students playing Frisbee on the campus common turned to listen along with a throng of students and professors. “It’s happening an ocean away. But it’s a struggle that touches each and every one of us … a struggle that demands we choose sides. Not between black and white. Not between rich and poor.

No .. It’s a choice between dignity and servitude. Between fairness and injustice. Between commitment and indifference. A choice between right and wrong.”

“Go on with it, Barack! Tell it like it is!” someone shouted.

But by pre-arrangement, he was dragged off stage by two students dressed as soldiers, as an agitprop bit to dramatise the lack of free-speech rights in South Africa. As his friends pulled him away, however, he didn’t want to give up the microphone.

The audience was “clapping and cheering, and I knew that I had them, that the connection had been made … I really wanted to stay up there, to hear my voice bouncing off the crowd and returning back to me in applause. I had so much left to say.”

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BAN OR NO BAN

Posted by SG on June 6, 2008

Banning vernacular radio not the answer to our malaise

Story by LUCY ORIANG’
Publication Date: 6/6/2008

FORMER PRESIDENT MOI went public recently complaining about vernacular radio stations. He sees them as key culprits in inciting ethnic tensions and hatred.

He is not the only one. Bigots – whether ethnic, religious or political – learnt the power of the media long ago, and radio has a unique appeal to those who want to incite mass destruction by way of propaganda.

There were many complaints of this nature during last year’s campaigns. Some of the language, especially on call-in shows, was reportedly strong enough to burn the ear from 100 metres away, and to warrant an outright ban.

Most of it was coded so that only those on the inside track could get the true messages. Using the richness of local idioms, we were told, entire communities were urged to rise up and defend their political turf even if it meant resorting to foul means.

Inciting people to violence is indefensible, and it is a sad day for the media when we sink that low. Yet recent history is filled with evidence of radio, the preferred medium because of its extensive outreach, being used to promote mayhem and genocide in Africa.

In the true Moi fashion, the former president reminded us that he said ages ago that the stations should be banned.

Bandit broadcasting is a pain in the backside and the fact that it afflicts many is not an excuse to allow it. But there is another way to look at it: declaring something illegal does not wipe it off the face of the earth; it only goes underground and becomes more explosive because you cannot even keep watch on it any more.

There is one thing to be said of the man: he is consistent in his beliefs. It was during his tenure that we saw the disbanding of tribal associations, complete with official spokesmen, such as the Gikuyu, Embu and Meru Association, the Luo Union and others bringing together large groups like the Luhya and Kamba.  Now we know better than to think that we can wish away problems that easily. It is all in the mind and heart.

Those associations were certainly not overtly active when Kenya went up in flames early this year. Yet we separated neatly into alliances and allegiances that were clearly grouped around tribes and regions. The smaller communities quickly learnt the magic words, “speaking with one voice”.

The re-emergence of Gema need not raise any hackles now. It never went away. Nor did all the others. A rose by any other name remains a rose.

Their reason for being remained solid and secure – and it is only the very naïve who believe that it is all about building schools and football teams to “empower” our communities. Try idle politicians who want to remain relevant instead.

IT’S NO COINCIDENCE THAT ETHNIC-based associations should enjoy a new lease of life simultaneously with talk of the 2012 succession.

It is truly obscene to initiate the scramble for power and glory at a time when hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people languish in camps, too frightened to go home and too poor to find suitable accommodation in a place where they can feel safe.

Those IDPs are where they are because of the same tensions that our politicians are trying to fire up again. They are victims of a complex power struggle that will never change their condition. If the argument is that we are homing in on communal organisations to promote our development, try another one.

There has been extensive migration throughout the country and no group will ever be an island again. Forget your origins and build strong bonds with your immediate neighbours, regardless of their ethnic background. They will be more useful to you when your house is on fire than retrogressive personalities living in wealthy seclusion far away.

Vernacular stations and languages do not promote tribalism and ethnic violence. It is people who do so. It is hate speech that destroys societies. We can ban vernacular stations, but it is difficult to see how this will stop Kenyans hell-bent on seeing The Others either as the enemy or as gullible fools they can step over on their way to power and ill-gotten gains.

If language were all that it took to breed nationalism, Kenyans would love each other to high heaven via Kiswahili. It is, after all, rare to find a Kenyan these days – even of non-Bantu origin – who does not know a smattering.

The hip hop generation has been good at incorporating words from different communities into their everyday language and music. Yet there is no evidence that young people voted any differently from their elders.

We tend to criminalise tribe and language every time we run into trouble. There is nothing to be ashamed of in being who you are. What is wrong is using it as a stick to beat and exclude others.

Vernacular stations can add value to society. They can help young people learn and appreciate local languages in a non-threatening way; they can also promote positive pride in being who we are and reduce ethnic tensions.

The first step to understanding and bonding with each other is to be able to communicate effectively without the distortions that our political leaders love to throw in our way. If anything, we should introduce vernacular languages in the school syllabus.

 
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DINNING WITH THE DEVIL

Posted by SG on May 31, 2008

You may sit down with criminals, but at your own peril

Story by GITAU GIKONYO
Publication Date: 5/31/2008

GITAU GIKONYO argues that a government that negotiates with such people is criminal

Kenya as a country may not have been there when the original idea of Seven Wonders of the World was mooted by Herodotus (484 BC – 425 BC) and Callimachus (305 BC – 240 BC). A list was drawn of the original Seven Wonders, of which only the Great Pyramid of Giza is still standing.

Members of the Mungiki gather outside the house of their jailed leader, Maina Njenga, after the Government ordered the withdrawal of police from manning it. Prime Minister Raila Odnga has suggested negotiations with the illegal sect. Photo/FILE

But credit for the recent declaration of the annual Wildebeest migration one of the modern wonders should really have gone to our beautiful country, Kenya, with its unique people, wildlife and political leaders.

All one needs to do is look at the unfolding events in relation to releasing the alleged perpetrators of the post-election violence and negotiating with outlawed groups like Mungiki.

I learnt my lesson on negotiating with criminals the other day when I made my maiden voyage to the villainous Muthurwa market, ostensibly unplanned.

I boarded a matatu in the early morning and confirmed with the conductor that it would drop passengers at the city centre.

But the matatu went straight to Muthurwa market. Quite naturally, everyone on the vehicle was angry and demanded a fare refund.

In the ensuing commotion, I offered to negotiate on behalf of the passengers and as a bargaining chip, I grabbed the matatu ignition key.

At first the driver seemed cornered until all the hoodlums and hanger-ons masquerading as hawkers joined the fray, turning it ugly.

I found myself surrounded by over 300 of them all baying for my blood. It slowly dawned on me that my lecture on contractual obligations and the offence of obtaining money by false pretences, contrary to Section 313 of the Penal Code, was not being given a hearing by anyone.

I realised then that as we are busy seeking the relevant historical context between “ethnic hatred” and “socio-economic structure adopted since independence”, violence grounded predominantly on a robust and visible criminal network threatens to disrupt the fragile peace.

To say the least, I hastily retreated — beaten — returned the keys and walked the remaining distance, with a lesson well learnt: you cannot negotiate with criminals.

My early morning experience brought to the fore the ongoing clamour by politicians, either styled as elders or representatives of certain regions, calling for the release of certain people or for negotiating with some organised groups. As I understand it, the primary mission of all governments is to ensure security for everyone on the national territory where the Government exerts its authority.

It is also my understanding that in so doing, the Government must respect and uphold the rule of law.

The concept of rule of law in its most basic form is predicated on the principle that no one is above the law.

Thomas Paine, a radical and intellectual English revolutionary, wrote in 1776 in his powerful and widely read pamphlet, Common Sense, “. . . the world may know, …THE LAW IS KING. For as in absolute governments the King is law, so in free countries the law OUGHT to be King; and there ought to be no other”.

What Paine was saying is that, in Kenya, for instance, the law ought to be king. Thus, everyone is subject to the law. It also means that no one in the society — the president, the prime minister, the cabinet, senior civil servants (including judges) or police has power, except as it is derived from law.

Authority can only come from law — the Constitution, a statute, legal regulations, common law, municipal by–laws and so on.

However, sample this: One day the Right Honourable Prime Minister says the Government will talk with some organised group.

Later, failed Mt Kenya politicians camouflaged as elders enter the fray as does Mr Isaac Ruto and other Rift Valley MPs, all seeking the release of their people.

The PM later joins calls for the release of suspects held over post-poll violence.  Prof George Saitoti, in whose docket matters to do with internal security fall, says no negotiations.

And  Ms Martha Karua of Justice says no amnesty. The Cabinet then gives final verdict: No blanket amnesty.

The question that quickly comes to mind is: What is leadership? It is one of those things you know when you see it. It is easier to say what leadership is not than what it actually is.

No wonder, while most people cannot define leadership, they know when they have been led. How then do our politicians lead us in calling for the release of people in police custody without due process?

How can politicians ask for the release of people convicted and serving jail sentences? Where people have been arrested on suspicion of being criminals or engaging in criminal activity or for whatever reason, the law must be allowed to take its course. The law is clear, if the allegations are unfounded, the innocent ones will be released.

Criminals are criminals and not community or religious leaders, or anything else. They do not deserve anything other than the law.  Our politicians must therefore have enough fortitude to stand up to them. Not negotiating with criminals ensures in the long run that one is not at their behest.

The only time the government is known to negotiate with criminals is when it is criminal or made up of officially elected criminals. Such people will attempt to obtain numerous truces with other unofficial unelected criminals.

This is what happened in Trinidad and Tobago when senators Manning and Joseph, said to be criminals, supported as well as wined and dined with known criminals masquerading as community leaders. They even gave them government contracts.

Similarly, in Haiti, by December 2006, armed criminals had increased their declarations positioning themselves as ready to inflict fire and blood unless their demands were met.

Yet these criminals continued to benefit from the impunity being part of direct but futile negotiations with the government. The government had established the National Commission of Disarmament, Demobilisation and Reintegration (CNDDR) to reintegrate armed gang members into regular society.

Unfortunately, at some point  CNDDR had, at its heart a criminal, the spokesperson of Operation Baghdad I — Jean Baptiste Jean Philippe alias Samba Boukman. Consequently, the success of the CNDDR was compromised.

A lot of money was wasted on the programme, with gang members admitting themselves into it by submitting at least one firearm as an assurance of their resolve to renounce violent life. But this never worked.

How has Nigeria fared with criminal elements? Each time the hoodlums struck by kidnapping foreign oil workers, either the federal government or the state one immediately negotiated with them and paid the ransom demanded.

When the government cut deals with criminals and their masters, the hoodlums became so bold they are taking on the entire Nigerian state and shutting down one of the major cities.

According to a recent editorial of the Nigerian paper,  Tribune, one reason kidnapping has become a thriving and lucrative business is that nobody has really been punished for it. This stems from the days when foreign oil experts were taken as hostages.

Rather than arrest the criminals, the Nigeria government sat and negotiated with them, thus sending  the message that it could no longer guarantee the protection of life and property.
The bottom line? It is only a criminal government that cannot be concerned with stopping criminal activities.

Where a government’s politics consists of negotiating with criminals, it is a form of encouragement to fraudsters, thieves, kidnappers and other criminals who enjoy official impunity and are treated as bona fide political associates.

These criminals are devoted to gaining from the government’s strategies.

What morality chairs governmental procedures when the Prime Minister and other government officials affirm their desire to negotiate with people who impose the terror, kill, rape and steal?

The leaders of all the gangs are well known, the hoodlums in the streets are not phantoms either, they are human beings.

Kenyans demand that the Government immediately take the battle to them and stop any negotiation.

Mr Gikonyo is an advocate of the High Court; gikonyog@yahoo.com

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THOUSANDS IN DEBT

Posted by SG on May 31, 2008

Why Kenyans are drowning in debt

Story by SAMWEL KUMBA
Publication Date: 5/31/2008

Thousands of Kenyans are facing ruin as banks and other financial institutions demand that their customers repay the money advanced to them. However, many of those who took loans have been unable to pay up.

Wananchi queue to buy Safaricom shares in April. Many small-scale investors took loans to buy the shares. However, a large group of debtors who were adversely affected by post-election violence have been unable to repay their loans on time, leading to high default rates. Photo/FILE

Financial experts are blaming easy credit in the form of unsecured loans, credit cards and financial illiteracy for the spiralling debts crisis.

Most of those who are under pressure from banks were adversely affected by post-election violence which destroyed many businesses and left others on the verge of ruin.

Post-election violence

Insurers have so far received claims worth Sh1.2 billion arising from destruction caused during the post-election violence. They are yet to decide whether to pay or not. The law does not require them to pay for damages caused by politically-instigated violence.

Many of those faced with the prospect of drowning in debt were tempted by bank offers of cheap unsecured credit over the last five years and are now finding it difficult to service the loans.

The problem has been made worse by rising inflation, the high cost of food, fuel and other essential commodities.

Financial advisers, lawyers and debt collectors are swamped by creditors seeking to recover their money and debtors pleading for relief. Teachers, farmers, soldiers, policemen and civil servants are bearing the brunt of the unserviceable debts.

However, Laboso George of the Kenya Commercial Bank’s savings and loans department said there had been no upsurge in property auction as far as their mortgage book is concerned. Other banks were unwilling to comment on the matter.

In one day this week, the Daily Nation had two pages of advertisements placed by auctioneers selling property seized from those unable to service their debts. Lawyers say this is just the tip of the iceberg.

Mr Evans Monari,  a Law Society of Kenyan Council member, told the Saturday Nation that many more properties were  being sold without being advertised.

“Most people are selling through private arrangements,” he said. According to him, banks are auctioning property after failing to reach an agreement with the debtor. He said the trend was likely to continue into the foreseeable future.

He said many people had opted for voluntary bankruptcy to escape their debtors and buy time to reorganise their finances.  The  increase in the rate of bankruptcy is a signal that something is wrong with the country’s economy.

“Our interest rates are too high. They are the highest in the region and this leads to high default rates,” the lawyer said.

Over the last five years, banks have significantly lowered barriers standing in the way of those seeking credit. To secure a loan, one only needs to prove they are in salaried employment.

Some institutions have also been “hawking” loans, luring all and sundry with the bait that one needs no security to get the cash.

Financial experts argue that in addition to the lowering of barriers to credit, loans have become subject of aggressive promotion to the extent that many players in the banking sector actually employ freelance sales agents to market loans.

Due to this, many more people are borrowing than ever before. And with more borrowers comes the possibility of more defaulters.

“Banks are giving out loans on the security of payslips that clearly show that the borrower’s income cannot match the sums advanced,” says Mr Edward Wangila, a lawyer who has handled  debt collection cases.

And Mr Manyara Kirago, a financial adviser with First Independent Advisers,  says many borrowers use loans on consumption rather than investing in income producing or appreciating assets.

They buy cars, furniture and clothes, pay bride price and even go for holidays on borrowed money.

“This results in spending more than they earn and when the repayments kick in, they find themselves unable to meet their obligations,” says Mr Kirago. This is the category of borrowers who are now being auctioned, he says.

But Mr John Wanyela, the chief executive of  Kenya Bankers Association, disagrees with Mr Karago’s assessment.

“Most of the loans have been pegged on an individual’s income. I therefore don’t think that there is a lot of defaulting in that area. That is an area that is substantially growing,” he said.

Mr  Robert Warlow, the group head of risk at Fina Bank, advises people to use their loans wisely.

“For example if you are borrowing money to pay school fees you are bound to have the same problems every three months, so that is not a necessary reason to borrow,” he said.

Good debt

But if one buys say a lorry for a business, it is a good debt because it produces income. According to him, a bad debt normally keeps one afloat temporarily.

To ensure a loan improves one’s financial standing, experts urge people to develop financial plans before borrowing rather than because the money is available.  Banks and other institutions are lending as much as they can to maximise their profits.

While the Government can help protect gullible borrowers by introducing regulations to ensure more transparent lending practices, the buck always stops with the borrower.

In the last three years, banks have increased their lending. Many of the loans are unsecured, according to Mr Wanyela.

“This growth has been due to positive political statements and everybody was suddenly optimistic. The economy started growing and there was general positivity to everything that was happening,” he said.

Some banks are likely to be asked to write off their client’s loans. Should that happen, cooperatives and micro-finance institutions are usually the hardest hit.

Mr Carilus Ademba, managing director of the Kenya Union of Savings and Credit Cooperatives Limited, told Saturday Nation that cooperative societies that were hardest hit by the post-election violence were mainly in the transport sector.

“We are telling our members to provide information for such cases which we can write off. But default cases in cooperatives are less than five per cent compared to the bank’s close to 20 per cent,” he said.

Risk management experts say that there is need to intensify loanee follow-up to improve recovery of outstanding loans and prosecute defaulters.

“We should determine how much debt the borrower can comfortably handle, consider income streams and any other obligations that could interfere with repayment,” said Mr Warlow.

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IS THERE A GOD OR MANKIND IS ALONE?

Posted by SG on May 28, 2008

God save us from those who would deny His existence

Story by JOHN WAHOME
Publication Date: 5/28/2008

PROF PETER SINGER’S AGNOSTIC article (DN, May 22) is typical of the position often advanced by negative atheists – that it is improbable for evil and an all-good God to be concurrent.

To counter the Judeo-Christian and Qur’anic dogmas of free moral agency, retribution for sin, and the necessity of suffering for character refinement, they posit that human character may still be buttressed with far less agony than, say, the buffeting of Burma by cyclones.

They cannot place the needless and, for them, indefensible, suffering of innocent babies within the jurisdiction of a tender and all-loving God. They are, however, more moderate in their denial of the ‘‘divine’’ than their positive atheist counterparts.

With all due respect to Prof Singer and others whose academic shoe-laces I am unworthy to loosen, what value would the non-existence of God, even if proven right, add to the human experience?

Aren’t the philosophical derivatives of atheism – communism, rationalism and materialism – despised, at least in theory, in the Western hemisphere, being associated with retrogression and selfishness?

ISN’T IT PLAUSIBLE THAT, LIKE ANY other dandy parent, God could possess latent, benevolent attributes whose worth is only manifested when a sick body recovers, or in Jesus’ own words, deliverance is extended to a captive?

An endless litany of philosophers, among them David Hume, Voltaire, Lord Byron, Mark Twain and more notably, Freud, Marx and Friedrich Nietzsche preceded Singer in grappling with the same profound divine question, and left us neither a definite deity, nor a reasonable alternative.

If heeded, Bertrand Russell, in particular, would have left the world a much worse place with his uninhibited theory of ‘‘free love’’ among post-teen university students.

Even godly patriarchs, such as old Job, and King Solomon of the Ecclesiastes were not spared the dilemma of apparently unfair human predicaments.

I am possibly an embodiment of the suffering Prof Singer so eloquently empathises with, having been at Eldoret during the height of the recent political turmoil, and at the mercy of arrow-wielding throngs.

My family is only alive because some theists had constructed a place of worship where they allowed the escaping souls to take shelter for a while.

I am also, somehow, reconciled with my erstwhile tormentors because a pastor inculcated in me what secularists would possibly never – the ability to abandon my human and legal rights, forgive all my wrongdoers, and pray daily for them. In fact, that whole experience reinforced my resolve into active theism. In biblical parlance, ‘‘I saw God’’.

On the other hand, the eminent bioethics professor has probably never broken a finger while fleeing for dear life. An independent observer would logically expect Prof Singer to also ‘‘see God’s hand’’ in his cushioned, blessed life, and his eminence in the American academe.

While Prof Singer would possibly marvel how I believe in God despite my suffering, I would return the compliment.

Logically, the proof of the existence of God should never be concluded in ivory-towered lecture halls inundated with learned didactic exchange, because that would preclude some old illiterate villager by Lake Turkana reaping immediate benefits and infinite possibilities of knowing a living God.

Further, God, to be fair to all, would have to provide a way of being accessible by anyone regardless of geography, social strata or sophistication. Which is why faith – as naïve as it is cast to be by the atheistic hordes – is the only reasonable avenue of knowing God.

Arguments advanced by some irreligious folk are thinner than soup made from a shadow of a starved rabbit. And hypocritical too. They refuse to believe in anything that cannot be proved empirically in the laboratory, and yet tell their spouses daily how they love them!

It is truly a relief that many great leaders and scientists have been believers in God. Sir Isaac Newton, one of the greatest physicists to ever walk the earth, is recorded by the New Dictionary of Thoughts as saying: “No science is better attested than the religion of the Bible.”

THE GERMAN MATHEMATICIAN-philosopher, Gottfried von Leibniz, considered the supreme intellectual of the 17th century, and co-discoverer of the calculus, was a church minister and author of the volume, Essays on the Goodness of God.

Kneeling in snow, George Washington, the first American president, once prayed the whole night at Valley Forge before crossing the Delaware during the war of independence. He led a ragtag, shoeless army to victory over the British the next day. Five or so musket balls perforated his shirt; none harmed him at all.

If Prof Singer is, indeed, a negative atheist, as is apparent in his mild article, this is a pointer that he is ‘‘not far from the kingdom of God’’. Once in the fold, he would make a wonderful Christian apologist!

Mr Wahome teaches Mathematics at Egerton University.

 
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HOW KANYOTU LOST HIS JOB

Posted by SG on May 27, 2008

The Christmas Moi didn’t celebrate, Kibaki quit and Kanyotu lost his job

Story by KAMAU NGOTHO
Publication Date: 5/27/2008

In this instalment of our five part series on the secrets spymaster James Kanyotu took to his grave, we sample former President Moi’s trying times during the clamour for multiparty politics in the early 1990s. Writer KAMAU NGOTHO revisits the dramatic developments.

The end of 1991 provided for some of the most dramatic developments in President Moi’s regime.

From left: Philip Gachoka, Paul Muite, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Munyua Waiyaki and Gitobu Imanyara. Photo/FILE

That was the period he dramatically climbed down on his strident opposition to the multiparty campaign; and also had arrested two of his most powerful confidants — Cabinet minister Nicholas Biwott and Internal Security permanent secretary Hezekiah Oyugi — after they were mentioned adversely during the Judicial Commission of Inquiry into the 1990 murder of Foreign Affairs minister Robert Ouko.

It was also the period long-serving Cabinet minister and former Vice-President Mwai Kibaki quit Kanu for the newly-minted opposition, and when veteran security intelligence chief James Kanyotu lost his job.

On December 3, 1991, the President summoned a Kanu delegates conference at Moi International Sports Centre, Kasarani. To the shock and consternation of everybody present, he used the occasion to push the ruling party into accepting the need for a multiparty system.

Party hawks

Before he stood up to provide direction, the President had sat quietly listening to party hawks fulminating against the multiparty campaigners, and thus the shock when he suddenly changed direction.

It was Mr Moi who in 1982 had forced through the legislation that made Kenya officially a one-party state. Prior to that it had been only an unofficial one-party state since 1969 when the only opposition, former Vice-President Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s Kenya Peoples’ Union,  KPU, was proscribed by the Kenyatta Government.

Mr Moi’s surprise move to allow multi-partyism in December 1991 came just three months after he had vowed at the same venue that Kenya would only “go multiparty over my dead body”. But as British war-time premier, Winston Churchill, once said, swallowing words has never caused indigestion for a politician!

The immediate weekend after Mr Moi allowed a return to a multiparty democracy, he summoned his kitchen Cabinet to Nakuru State House to scheme on how to humble the emerging opposition.

At the time, the pro-reform forces had found a common umbrella in the lobby group, the Forum for Restoration of Democracy (Ford), soon to convert into a political party.

The de facto leaders of the anti-Kanu forces were the opposition doyen Oginga Odinga and former Cabinet minister Kenneth Matiba, who had fronted the multi-party campaign.

The previous year, Mr Matiba and his co-conspirators, including Mr Charles Rubia and Mr Raila Odinga, Mr Jaramogi’s son and now Prime Minister, had been rounded up by Mr Kanyotu’s men and detained without trial.

At the time of the historic announcement at Kasarani, Mr Matiba had been set free, but was still recuperating in a London hospital after suffering a massive stroke while in prison.

Now on this afternoon at Nakuru’s State House, Mr Moi wanted to pick the brains of his top strategists on how to beat the strongly threatening, but loosely-knit opposition.

Seated next to the President was intelligence boss James Kanyotu, Vice-President George Saitoti and the newly appointed head of the civil service, Prof Philip Mbithi.

Others at the horse-shoe shaped table were an assortment of about a dozen selected Cabinet ministers, Kanu officials and senior civil servants.

The meeting was supposed to come up with plans on how to scuttle the opposition before it gained any momentum and also determine the most advantageous timing for the General Election, due the following year, under a multiparty system.

Also to be discussed was how to raise campaign funds for Kanu, a party more accustomed to securing power without opposition and openly using public funds and other resources to drive its politics.

A source recalls that President Moi was his usual self, allowing the meeting to drag on and on without making much contribution until he felt it was time to strike.

Clearing his throat and sitting upright after what appeared to be a drowsy moment, he declared: “All those things you are talking about are not important for now. The date of the election is my secret weapon. Where to get money for Kanu’s campaign should not worry you either. What I want to hear is how Kanu can remain united and take the war to the opposition.”

And without any breather, Mr Moi turned to Mr Kanyotu: “Do you see Mr Kibaki resigning to join the opposition? Who else do you think will follow him?”

At the time Mr Kibaki was serving as Health minister after being demoted from the VP’s perch in 1988. He had served as President Moi’s principal deputy for 10 years.

After a moment of silence, Mr Kanyotu said he had no information that Mr Kibaki or his close associates would be resigning from the Government.

Political suicide

But after another prolonged moment of reflection, Mr Kanyotu offered a line that startled the President and all the others in attendance.

The intelligence chief’s reading of the situation was that a Kibaki resignation would not necessarily be a disaster, it would in fact be a bonus for Kanu insofar as it served to divide the budding opposition.

Mr Kanyotu argued that Mr Kibaki’s bastion, central Kenya, was already fiercely pro-opposition, so his remaining in Kanu would not earn the ruling party any vote, it would only be political suicide.

The President was unimpressed by the analysis and immediately threw a tantrum. He went on into a lengthy lecture of how his long experience in politics made him acquire insights, which even the intelligence team under Mr Kanyotu can never have.

Summing up his tirade, Mr Moi said Kanu’s best chance of remaining in power at the time lay in stopping central Kenya from joining the Nyanza bloc in the opposition. His reasoning was that Mr Matiba, who was in bad health, would not be as attractive to the Central Province voter as Mr Kibaki. He added that the Health minister was a respected leader among the Kikuyu and could easily dissuade his supporters from decamping if it was shown they had a stake in Kanu.

To demonstrate his seriousness, the President turned to Prof Saitoti and told him to his face that he would not hesitate to drop him as his number two if that is what it took to keep Central Province in Kanu.

Festive season

Having said his piece at the Nakuru meeting, Mr Moi, as was his habit, abruptly called off the session and invited his guests for lunch.

A few days before Christmas, Mr Kanyotu obtained permission from his boss to travel to Dubai over the festive season.

The intelligence chief was away on Boxing Day when Mr Kibaki dropped his bombshell. He called a news conference while on his annual holiday by the beach in Mombasa to announce that he had quit the Moi Government and had formed the Democratic Party of Kenya.

His resignation was soon followed by a number of Cabinet ministers and assistant ministers, and a livid Mr Moi feared a deluge.

Mr Franklin Bett, then the deputy Comptroller at State House and now MP for Buret, recalls  that to have been one of the worst Christmas holidays for the former president.

Mr Moi was seething and somebody had to pay for what to him was a wholly unexpected development.

He turned his wrath on Mr Kanyotu, who fatally happened to be away during such a critical moment.

“Rightly or wrongly,” Mr Bett says, “Mr Moi concluded that Mr Kanyotu had conspired with Mr Kibaki to pull a fast one on him, and right in the middle of Christmas festivities!” Without any ceremony, Mr Kanyotu was jobless.

However, Mr Kanyotu was vindicated when subsequent events confirmed his analysis to have been correct, after all.

Mr Kibaki’s debut into opposition politics only helped to hasten the splintering of the opposition and paved the way for Mr Moi’s return to power in the December 1992 election.

Two years later in February 1994, Mr Moi quietly rehabilitated Mr Kanyotu as he seriously began to craft his succession plan.

The dramatic political events leading to Mr Kibaki’s exit were the culmination of a dizzying series of happenings.

Freeze aid

On November 16, a consortium of foreign donors meeting in Paris had resolved to freeze aid to Kenya until more tangible steps were taken towards more political and economic reforms.

The previous month, the president had taken the painful step of not just sacking, but also having arrested two of his most trusted and powerful confidants of the time — Mr Biwott and Mr Oyugi — after they were mentioned adversely in the Scotland Yard report on the murder of Dr Ouko.

Mr Bett recalls the period as one of the most trying for his former boss. “You could read stress all over Mr Moi’s face in those days,” says Mr Bett, “He was visibly restless and I can say for sure that he wasn’t having sound sleep.”

He says the President would be on telephone way past midnight, only to call again just before three in the morning and be at his desk before six o’clock. “It gave me the impression that the President had no time to catch some sleep,” he adds.

To his face

Mr Bett recalls British Prime Minister John Major telling Mr Moi to his face in mid-October 1991 that he just had to change or risk international isolation. The two had met in Harare, Zimbabwe, at the Commonwealth Heads of State and Governments Summit.

During one of the breaks at Harare, recalls Mr Bett, Mr Moi and the British premier held a lengthy meeting at the request of both parties. Also in attendance was Foreign Affairs minister Wilson Ndolo Ayah and his British counterpart Douglas Hurd.

Mr Bett, who was in the meeting to take notes for Mr Moi, reckons that unlike on previous occasions, Mr Major was brutally frank with Mr Moi this time.

He told him that he just had to steer Kenya into a greater democratic path as well as cut down on official corruption. The alternative, he warned, was to risk international isolation.

Lest Mr Moi took it to be the usual diplomatic tough-talking, recalls Mr Bett, the British premier told him that the Americans were determined that he be forced out of power and that only Britain was holding them back.

The US had unleashed the abrasive ambassador Smith Hempstone with explicit instructions to harass Kenyan authorities until the country steered back to a multiparty system.

However, at the Harare meeting, Mr Major had offered a soft landing. Britain would be there for the Kanu Government, but there should be a more determined effort to accommodate the growing opposition.

Mr Bett, who worked in Moi’s State House for close to two decades, reckons that much as the president was known to be stubborn, he was also very flexible and pragmatic whenever he sensed real danger. That was such a period.

Returning home from Harare, Mr Moi sacked Mr Biwott and Mr Oyugi and ordered their arrest.

They were to remain in police custody for two weeks until they were released for lack of evidence.

Never again

Mr Oyugi mysteriously died a few weeks later. Mr Biwott informally remained close to the president, but would not be re-appointed to the Cabinet until five years later.

His relationship with Mr Moi would never be the same again.

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LOVE GONE CRAZY

Posted by SG on May 27, 2008

Love fury bait that claimed innocent life

Story by MUCHIRI KARANJA
Publication Date: 5/27/2008

A jealous husband’s plot to kill his wife backfired when his children fed on the poisoned bait he had laid out for their mother, leaving one dead.

Margaret Mwendia, wife of Robert Migwi (inset), holding her daughter Pauline Nyakio. Robert had hoped to kill Margaret with poison. Photo/JOSEPH KANYI

And the  killer dad  refused to confess that he had poisoned his five children, aged between 15 and six years, until village elders devised a clever way of making him do so: a red-hot knife.

The incident that two weeks ago, shocked a sleepy village in Siakago, Mbeere district also ended up in the man’s death.

Robert Migwi, a 36-year-old casual labourer, had suspected his wife had an affair with another man, and planned to kill her. He laced the little maize flour that remained from the previous night’s meal, with poison, hoping his wife would be the one to partake the meal.

Barely alive

But their five children came back from school earlier than he thought, and ate the poisoned meal.

Hours later, the couple’s 10–year-old, son, Fredrick Mbogo, was dead. The other four were barely alive.

And when he was informed that his children were fighting for their lives in hospital, the killer father’s first question was: “What about their mother?”

Disappointed that he did not kill his wife, Robert stayed with the terrible secret that he was indeed the one who poisoned his own children for two weeks, until local villagers, threatened to invoke a traditional ritual-called gucuna kiviu (licking the knife) in the local language.

In this ritual, suspects who plead innocent to a crime are asked to prove their innocence by putting their tongue on a red-hot knife. The ritual, administered by local elders, is believed to fish out real culprits in any crime. Locals believe that only the guilty person gets his tongue burned.

So when the elders of Kavuguri Village,  in Eastern Province, suspected that the couple was involved in the poisoning incidence, they suggested the two go through the red-hot knife licking ritual.

Hang himself

The husband chickened out. He confessed that he was the one who had put poison in the family meal. Shortly after, he  sneaked out of the compound and hang himself in a neighbour’s farm, in shame, neighbours say.

“He refused to go through the kiviu ritual, and confessed he was the one who put the poison in the flour,” said the killer’s cousin, Mr Joseph Muriuki Njeru.

According to the area chief, Mr Joseph Muchiri, the couple was constantly quarrelling. The major cause of their domestic conflict revolved around the wife’s suspected infidelity. On the afternoon of May 5, their domestic squabbles turned tragic.

“From what I have gathered, he had planned to kill the wife, so he laced the ugali with some pesticide, hoping the wife would be the one to take it. Unfortunately, the children came back from school earlier and feasted on the ugali,’’ said the chief.

 Doctors at Siakago district hospital confirmed that the five children were poisoned. But the exact type of poison used is yet to be known. A sample of the killer ugali, along with the remainder of the maize flour that made it, are still with the Government chemist for testing.

 “We got a call that the children had just taken lunch, and complained of abdominal pains, vomiting and convulsions,” said Dr Mwangi Kaniaru, a medical officer at Siakago hospital in Mbeere District.

Poisoned dish

Unfortunately, the district hospital is ill equipped to handle such cases, and the five children had to be rushed to Embu provincial hospital, about 50km away.

By then, it was too late for Fredrick. He died minutes after reaching the hospital.

His mother, 30-year-old Margaret Mwendia, a casual labourer, had no idea  that the poisoned dish was actually meant for her.

Her husband had left for his work place on the ill-fated morning. With the children off to school, the mother of five was left behind to look for something to make for lunch. She fixed some ugali, but did not take it immediately.

“I had some unfinished work to do,” she said. That decision saved her life, but unfortunately took that of her second born.

According to Margaret, her five children, came back from school earlier than usual, and shared the ugali. Minutes later, they were all moaning and writhing in abdominal pains.

‘‘I carried one on my back, and pulled two on each side, I did not know what was wrong with them. I started screaming for neighbours to come and tell me what was wrong with my children,” said the distraught mother.

Villagers helped her carry the almost lifeless children, to a clinic 4km away.

Workers at the clinic said they were not equipped to handle the cases, and had to summon an ambulance from Siakago district hospital-about 20km away, which rushed them to Embu Provincial General Hospital.

By the time they reached the hospital, 15-year-old Esther Kagendo was in a coma, Fredrick was barely alive, while two and a half year old Pauline Nyakio was unconscious. Only 8-year-old Purity Wawira and 6-year-old Kennedy Gitonga looked slightly better.

Fredrick died soon after reaching Embu hospital. His body is still lying in the hospital mortuary, as the poor family struggles to raise money to transport it home for burial.

It will be a burial coming soon after the family buried the killer father. The father was buried hours after committing suicide.

“I told them (police) my grandson’s body is still in the morgue, if I took my son’s body there too, he would have remained there,” explains 80-year-old Michael Mwangi, still struggling to come to terms with what he refers to as his son’s “madness”.

“I think he went mad,” he says, with a vacant stare on his face.

He has been for the last 8 years. And after burying a son last week, the old man is struggling to raise cash to bury the grandson.

Kagendo, Wawira, Gitonga and Nyakio are yet to recover fully, days after being discharged from hospital.

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WALK AWAY FROM A PIECE OF SHIT

Posted by SG on May 25, 2008

It’s A Piece A Shit, Walk Away

 

I start with a broad question. Kenyans can we tell what is eating us up? What keeps us weighed so law in almost everything? Our “weights” that hold us down are the emotional gung in our subconscious, our programmed sense of self and reality, and the endless mind-numbing claptrap that assaults our eyes and ears via the Western and US media, the Western education (indoctrination) systems, our politically sick politicians, our suppressive economists, and all the other mind doctors selling us their view of what our reality should be- who is cut for PM, which tribe does this and that against this and that.  These are the influences that create the light at the bottom of the bottle, hypnotizing us and keeping us in ignorance of our true destiny.

 

I remember listening to a tape of the late Bill Hicks, the American comedian. He was talking about a film called Basic Instinct. His summary of the film: “Piece of shit”. However, great debate ensued about the picture. Was it too this or too that? Much of this “debate” Was hyped to promote the movie and Bill Hicks offered the following advice: It’s a piece a shit, walk away.

 

If we Kenyans did that more often, we would not waste our energy day after day on irrelevant political debates and stupid arguments over the so-called “issues” that are only there to divert us from what really matters — our own evolution out of ignorance, and our own ability to love and be loved. But we get hooked in by manufactured debates and diversions. We see irrelevant events and statements from our Kenyan leaders as vitally important, instead of walking away and seeing them for what they are: irrelevant diversions.

 

Kenyans when shall you grow up?  It’s fascinating to observe, as your mind expands and the cell door creaks open, how the issues and concerns that occupy our minds, screw us up, and give us a bad sense of self, simply don’t matter.

 

We are just conditioned to think they matter and so we expend our energies and wind up our emotions worrying about things that others program us to believe are important. Who is our man in state house? who is the PM? Who is our MP? Who owns this or that? Who sleeps with who? Are we too fat? Are we too thin? Are we too tall? Are we too small? Are our breasts big enough? Are our willies big enough? Are we losing the hair on our heads? Do we have too much hair on our bodies? Are we wearing the latest uniform (sorry fashion) that someone we have never met has decided is “in”?

 

We are deluged by advertisers and the television “programmers” funded by advertisers which tell us how we should be, look, and feel. You’ve got a wrinkle on your face? Oh, my dear, your life is over. It’s the end of the road. Unless, that is, you buy this super-duper face oil named after somewhere that sounds exotic. It will save your life. Hey, look at this curvy, sun—tanned, blonde we paid vast sums to show her burn on a beach. Buy our oil and that could be you. (Author leaves word processor in order to vomit.) Our good traditions are dead and buried. Kenyans want to be actors in other people’s scripts.

 

The West knows best and has the most honest leaders, we say.

So, a Western representative Koffi Annan is sent to mediate to end a problem intentionally created by our own Hollywood-like politicians.

 

Almost all Kenyans are as confused and looking for a way out, wherever they are in the so-called developed Diasporas. To me the West and US, as is Hollywood is the home of self and mass delusion; in Hollywood there are more facelifts and hair transplants per square mile than probably anywhere else on the planet. It is no wonder. The Hollywood mentality is the ultimate illusion and it is obsessed with the physical senses. Its industry, its very reason for being, is based on illusion, with false backdrops, false sunlight, and plastic.

 

As did Kibaki and Raila during the coalition talks putting on artificial emotions, both are together today just as two actors who can’t stand each other come together for a warm caress. My darling, I love you (cut!)… you asshole. To me, Hollywood is a wonder to observe it symbolizes magnificently the illusions that keep our minds enslaved. It sells to the mass psyche its version of history and of what is beautiful, successful, and important. This invariably relates to archetypal images of butch men with firm faces and plenty of hair (real or otherwise) and ideally shaped women straight out of wardrobe and make up. Some actors know all this isn’t real, but many forget to leave the illusions on the set. They live them and take on that celluloid world as their reality It is a world of fear, insincerity and insecurity: you were brilliant darling, what was I like? Oh Dorothy darling, I’m so glad you won the Oscar (lucky bitch). Their sense of self comes not from what they are, but from how they are perceived by those who control the illusion machine and by an audience conditioned by the illusion machine.

 

Kenyans you have lost it not only by practicing tribal politics and looting our economy. You are out there making yourselves look more like western robots in all of your looks and likes.

 

A few questions for those who buy this idea that there is somehow an ideal shape, height, weight, hairstyle, age or willy size. Who says? Who decided that? Did you decide that because it was your original thought or because that is what you have been conditioned to believe? The latter, almost certainly. What’s more if your friends and family have been conditioned to believe the same (and most of them have) you feel an even greater pressure to aspire to that manufactured image of physical perfection. I saw a documentary about Hollywood men in which this guy’s sex life had been destroyed by an operation that went wrong… an operation to fill his willy with fat from another part of his body to make it look bigger.

 

Uhhhhhh! I know, I know, my eyes are watering too. My God, what’s happened to us? What happened to our infinity of understanding, Oneness and self love? I think it bought a movie ticket.

 

Is it just me? I mean what does it matter if someone has a larger or smaller body than the “ideal”. Does it make them a bad person? No. Does it make them less intelligent? No. Does it make them less able to give and receive love? No. So what does it make them, then, what’s the big deal? It makes them different to the conditioned version of “normality”, that’s all. And what is this “norm”? Is it normal to be a suntanned blonde with a polished smile showing her bum to a camera?

 

I’ve just come back from town and I didn’t see one of them anywhere. I would have noticed, I’m sure. All I saw were people of different shapes, colors and sizes adding to the variety of life and experience. Not a bare bum or sun tan in sight.

 

Not only women are lost out there. Most men in Kenya don’t want to be seen as if they have lost hair and instead shave their heads clean to hide this reality. What’s this terror that Kenyan men have of losing their hair? Oh my life’s over, women won’t be attracted to me… save my hair, take it from my armpits, anywhere, Aaaaaaaaaaaahhhhhhhhh!!! Let’s just go through this again: when you lose your hair does it make you a bad person? No. Does it make you less intelligent? No. Does it make you less able to give and receive love? No. What’s more, it doesn’t even make you different. Look around you, most men lose their hair. And get this: what would be our reaction if we lived on a planet in which the physical body had no hair on its head and suddenly it started to grow? Oh my life’s over, women won’t be attracted to me… remove my hair; stick it under my armpits, anywhere, Aaaaaaaaaaaahhhhhhhh!!! Exactly. It’s just conditioning, that’s all it is.

 

The irony of all this, and the knowledge that will end the manipulation of Kenyan’s emotions by the Western multibillion-dollar-hate-your-body industry, is that there is no need for all these potions and creams and willy surgeons. Our bodies are a reflection of our sense of self. They are a physical expression of our mind and emotions. You can see in the faces of people if they have been through extreme emotional pain. It is written in their features.

 

If we feel good about ourselves we will transmit the same energy to our bodies, if we feel unloved and unwanted, our bodies will manifest that, also. The same goes for aging. We don’t have to age as we do. We expect to age because that is our reality and so we age. Incidentally, returning to that Hollywood theme, those actors who fear losing their looks or their hair are far more likely to lose them. We attract to us what we most fear because overcoming fear is essential to our evolution. Relax. Whatever you are is OK. It’s your role in the movie at this moment. You are what you are and you can change what you are by changing what you think you are. That, too, applies to our bodies. It is just a temporary body – you are eternal mind and spirit. But if we get caught into the trap of accepting the manipulators version of what 15 normal and “sexy”, we will have a lifetime of diminished self worth if we don’t have a body that conforms to that.

 

Today as was yesterday thousands of Kenyans are lining up in US and Western Embassies and missions applying for visas to escape to those parts of the world they imagine happiness awaits they entry.  What they later find out is usually a shocker – the great myth that happiness can be pursued.

 

Kenyans have long since joined the already duped world population out there duped into pursuing happiness with a bigger fridge, or the latest car, or a bigger house. “If I just had this or that,” they say “I’d be happy.” But when they get it, they’re still not happy. Most people go through their entire lives without being truly happy. Of course there may be moments when they feel blissful, but those moments are so fleeting. Their “happiness” is normally measured by levels of unhappiness. The harder you try to find happiness, the more elusive it becomes. The reason is simple: if you are in a constant state of pursuing happiness you can never be happy. You’re “now” experience is always the pursuing of happiness, never happiness itself. Your happiness is always in the future and not in your now. Its like sitting on one of those horses on the fairground rides. It doesn’t matter how fast the carousel is turning, you never get any closer to the horse in front. John Lennon once wrote that life is what happens to you while you’re busy making other plans. In the same way, happiness is constantly passing us by because we are spending all our time pursuing it instead of “being” it. The only way to be happy is to be happy. That is a state of mind within your control whatever you are doing. It doesn’t require a new Ferrari or an extension to your dangly bits. Happiness is not a pursuing, it is a being. The harder you chase it, the further you push it away. It can be likened to chasing a butterfly. The more desperately you charge at it, the more it will elude you. But if you stop trying so hard, lie down on the grass and relax, there is a chance it will just come and land on your shoulder. A similar example is the swimmer trying to reach a ball in the water. The harder and more desperately he swims, the more he disturbs the water and the ball gets further and further away. If however, he is patient and relaxes, he will reach the ball using a lot less effort and emotion. We are called human beings and yet we have become human “doings”.

 

Why kill fellow Kenyans because of a piece of land? Why cause insecurity just because we want to be presidents of PMs? To be happy. We heads must be sick and our souls gone to town.

 

We are conditioned to chase everything, including, most significantly, happiness. This constant state of pursuit obscures the truth that life is a lot easier than we are conditioned to believe and does not require the enormous expenditure of physical and emotional energy that we observe every day living our lives as if someone had just shouted “fire”.

 

Another thing that hooks us in emotionally and seeps our energy for no good reason is the way we are offended by what others say or do. People are offended by different things because they are programmed by different Hassle-Free Zones (a religion, political “ism”, what we were told was “right and “wrong” by our parents). What offends one person won’t offend another because they will have been conditioned to be offended by different things.

 

Tell a Christian that Jesus was an asshole and they will be mortally offended. A Muslim will not. Tell the Muslim that Mohammed was an asshole and he’ll be offended, but not the Christian. It’s all in the mind. What happened to us? We do as we are told like fully paid up robots. There may be some people reading this article who have been offended by my use of the word shit. If you have, it might be worth asking yourself why you are offended. Shit is merely the one syllable sound which has been accepted to mean a substance we all produce and if we didn’t produce it we would eventually explode. Very messy. I use the word shit because the nature of the substance it describes is brilliantly symbolic of the propaganda we are pressured to accept as our reality on this planet. If anyone is offended by the word shit, it is not because I am being offensive because that is not my intention. It is because you have chosen to be offended. It is all taking place in your mind, not mine. Even if I was trying to be offensive, you still don’t have to take it on and be affected by it.

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US, UK HEADING FOR A FALL

Posted by SG on May 11, 2008

Seven Signs of a Falling Nation

No government, kingdom or society lasts forever. Here are seven factors that contributed to ancient Rome’s demise—warning signs that exist today within the nations of the American and British peoples.

By Bruce A. Ritter

In an interview with the Financial Times, U.S. Comptroller General David Walker stated that the United States government “is on a ‘burning platform’ of unsustainable policies and practices with fiscal deficits, chronic healthcare underfunding, immigration, and overseas military commitments threatening a crisis if action is not taken soon…”

RCG illustration/Darnitra D. Maiden

The article added, “Mr. Walker warned that there were ‘striking similarities’ between America’s current situation and the factors that brought down Rome, including ‘declining moral values and political civility at home, an over-confident and over-extended military in foreign lands and fiscal irresponsibility by central government.’”

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He added, “I’m trying to sound an alarm and issue a wake-up call.”

History reveals that all governments, empires and kingdoms of men, no matter how grand, no matter how powerful, ultimately fall. It happened to ancient Egypt, Assyria and Babylon. Even Rome was not exempt; though it dominated much of Europe, Northern Africa, the Middle East and parts of the Near East, and lasted for 500 years, the Roman Empire ultimately fell.

There is an old and popular saying: “Rome was not built in a day.” Likewise, the Roman Empire did not fall in one night; its decline was gradual. Not long after it rose to world dominance, several factors were already at work contributing to the empire’s ultimate demise.

Similarly, these factors are at work among the societies of the American and British peoples—and serve as warning signs of a civilization destined to fall.

The Family Unit

Few understand that the family unit is the basic building block of every thriving society. Within the family, young minds are first taught the importance of building character, controlling one’s emotions, setting worthwhile goals, striving for excellence—or at least this should be the case, as it was generations ago.

At the start of the Roman Empire, fathers took seriously their role in properly instructing, training and educating their sons, and mothers taught their daughters as well. The example of strong and active parents daily ingrained into children the importance of obedience, deference to civic authority and respect for the laws of the land.

But as new generations came of age, the family weakened and fractured. Husbands and wives gave in to the pulls of human nature to engage in widespread adultery, inevitably leading to increasing rates of broken marriages. Divorce for virtually any reason became legal; wives only had to say to their husbands three times in succession, “I divorce you!” to bring it to pass.

Also, parents came to spoil their children, who then grew up to become lazy adults who were irreverent, disobedient to authority and had little respect for the elderly or the “old paths” of social norms and values.

Likewise, the family unit in America, Britain, Australia, Canada and other sister nations of the West is under constant assault. Broken marriages and fractured households are now the norm.

Few fathers exercise a strong hand in teaching, guiding and correcting their young, often leaving mothers to fill both parental roles.

Children are growing up pampered and catered to, never learning to accept and recover from setbacks—never being taught to “rise up before the hoary head, and honor the face of the old man” (Lev. 19:32), which is connected to fearing God—never instructed to think of others before themselves.

They live in a fantasy world in which they “must” have cellphones; they “need” their privacy; they “have rights.”

As with ancient Rome, the British and American peoples (like their forefathers, the ancient Israelites) ignore God’s counsel: “Stand you in the old ways, and see, and ask for the old paths” (Jer. 6:16).

The birthright nations of today respond the same way as did their forefathers, ancient Israel: “We will not walk therein” (same verse).

Modern parents believe they know better than their Creator, and thus ignore important biblical instruction such as, “The rod and reproof give wisdom: but a child left to himself brings his mother to shame” (Prov. 29:15) and “Correct your son, and he shall give you rest; yes, he shall give delight unto your soul” (vs. 17).

The result? A generation of children who oppress and rule over their parents and show no respect for their elders (Isa. 3:4-5, 12).

Education

The Roman Empire began with an educational system that emphasized developing character, morality, patriotism and social values in young lives. The goal was to develop the whole person.

But this was eventually replaced by an emphasis almost exclusively on academics, with no moral or ethical absolutes defining right and wrong.

Similarly, character development, patriotism and civic duty are seldom taught in the public schools of the West, where God and the Bible are banished, and morally unchecked “creative expression” is encouraged.

Because the modern house of Israel rejects God’s Word, the foundation of all true knowledge, God declares, “My people are destroyed for lack of knowledge” (Hos. 4:6). He describes them as blind men groping around in spiritual darkness (Isa. 59:9-10).

Religion

The Romans were pagan idol worshippers who took the gods of the Greeks and gave them Roman names. Accompanying the assortment of false gods was lascivious religious rituals and customs. Temple prostitution, drunkenness and other vices that appealed to the flesh were common across the empire. Similar to the Greeks, the Romans worshipped mythological figures who freely gave in to carnal desires—deceiving, stealing, getting drunk and committing fornication, adultery, even rape!

Today, millions of Americans, Britons and others claim to worship only one deity, the God of the Bible—yet their actions scream something quite different!

The word worship means to “regard with great or extravagant respect, honor, or devotion.” Do the British and American peoples truly worship the God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob? Or do their actions show they revere manmade “gods”?—celebrities who by word and example influence shallow minds to copy their irresponsible behavior. Politicians who are forgiven for reckless conduct as long they raise the banner of political correctness and “progressive” (read: permissive, radical) causes, and proudly proclaim that their personal, moral, religious or “spiritual” beliefs will never stand in the way of pleasing the masses.

Millions within America’s religious community are quick to proclaim their religious fervor. But among them are those leading hypocritical lives, speaking out against sexual immorality, yet secretly engaging in it. Among priests, preachers and other prominent religionists are child molesters, closeted homosexuals and serial adulterers.

Pagan worshippers of ancient Rome sought an endless plethora of gods—but their religious beliefs were shallow, lifeless and without true meaning. Followers were left without direction, seeking spiritual purpose but never finding it.

It is the same in modern times. The hypocrisy of religious leaders has jaded millions, and their message of a God without laws—who does not hold followers to a higher standard of conduct and thinking—a “prosperity gospel” without expectations from believers—is ultimately empty. The result is a spiritual wasteland of human ideas that may sound appealing, but are not of the Bible—and has nothing to do with the true gospel (literally “good news”) that Jesus Christ preached: the kingdom of God (Mark 1:14-15).

The religions of Rome, which encouraged and empowered the people to live a life of excess, contributed to the empire’s death. The religions of the West, especially in the U.S., are no better.

Pleasure-Seeking

The Romans were masters of extreme pleasure-seeking. They entertained themselves with gladiators (rock stars of the day) and gambled on who would live or die. They enjoyed the sight of Christians, Jews and other enemies of the state being eaten alive by wild animals shipped from exotic regions. Residents were proud of their lavish villas, imported cuisine and fine attire. They thrilled themselves with plays, bathhouses, indoor pools and drunken parties held in the honor of Bacchus, the false god of wine and sensual pleasures.

Similarly, the modern descendants of the “lost” tribes of Israel entertain themselves, with mindless “reality” television programs driven by deception and gratuitous sex. With superstar athletes who proudly show off their tattoos and pride themselves on their multi-million-dollar contracts—yet are void of prudence, judgment and character.

Advertising, news media and Hollywood promotes materialism and covetousness. A society that loves to emulate wanton lifestyles portrayed in movies and pursue sports, gambling, theater, music and other distractions over seeking true values is destined to collapse—as did Rome.

Economy, Government and the Military

Originally, agriculture and land ownership were Rome’s chief sources of wealth—and became the most heavily taxed. Over time, landowners who operated large farms on the backs of slaves eventually undersold smaller farmers, forcing them out of business. In addition, importing foods from both conquered lands and more easily accessible distant foreign ports also began to take its toll. Commercial trade in Rome created a massive consumer economy that focused on services rather than production and growth—just as in modern-day America and Britain.

As the Roman Empire expanded, so did the costs of operating it. Rapidly growing government bureaucracy became expensive to maintain. For instance, it took an army of officials to man and work the increasingly complicated “red tape” filing system, which faced demands from both government services and the military.

To compensate for inflation, Roman emperors in the second and third centuries produced more coins, but these were no longer made of silver and gold alloys, which had become scarce. Roman currency dwindled in value.

The citizenry strained under heavy tax burdens, as the government left no stone unturned in seeking potential revenue sources.

Today, Americans pay local, municipal, county, state and federal taxes before even receiving their paychecks, and contend with numerous consumer taxes: sales, gasoline, vehicles, property, licenses, pets, luxury items, airline flights—the list seems endless.

Taxes combined with inflation and a desire to maintain an unrealistic standard of living have driven a growing majority to live on credit and practice the materialistic principle of “live for today, forget about tomorrow.” Consumers survive paycheck to paycheck, partly due to wrong financial priorities and living beyond their means. A new car or home suddenly becomes a “necessity” based on the maximum amount of a “pre-qualified” bank loan, rather than actual needs.

British, Canadian, Australian and American consumers are strapped with debt, resulting in a staggering number of defaulted home loans and personal bankruptcies.

As in ancient Rome, strong belief in self-determination and self-reliance has been replaced with an attitude of expecting something for nothing. Government-run systems originally intended to assist those in genuine need are now considered an entitlement.

Americans want to have their economic “cake and eat it too”—to work less and play more—to “support the troops,” but have their family members and friends in the military stay home—to fight terrorism, but not raise taxes to support the military (which does the actual fighting)—to obtain better health insurance, but force employers to pay for it—to receive social security when they retire, but not increase how much they pay into it now.

Of course, how can the average consumer be expected to show fiscal responsibility when government leaders fail to do so? For example, when the Pentagon pays a small parts supplier $998,798 to ship two 19-cent washers to a U.S. Army base! Or when a Korean War veteran has to buy his own Purple Heart at a military surplus store because the Navy informed him the medal was “out of stock”!

And just as the Roman army was overstretched and overextended in foreign lands, so is the American military. Roman soldiers, once known for their precision in battle and rigid obedience to authority, eventually became demoralized. The same can be said of U.S. troops, among whom suicide rates have risen since the start of the war in Iraq—60 in 2003, 67 in 2004, 88 in 2005 and 99 in 2006. Desperate not to return to Iraq, one soldier paid someone $500 to shoot him in the leg!

A Kingdom That Will Never Fall

Family, education, religion, pleasure-seeking, the economy, government and the military. The failure of these and other factors have contributed to the death of men’s governments—and are at work in the birthright nations of America and Britain.

However, there is a future government that will be established by a perfect Leader, as foretold in Isaiah 9: “For unto us a Child is born, unto us a Son is given: and the government shall be upon His shoulder: and His name shall be called Wonderful, Counselor, The mighty God, The everlasting Father, The Prince of Peace. Of the increase of His government and peace there shall be no end” (vs. 6-7).

An incorruptible King, Jesus Christ, will direct His government—the kingdom of God—to teach true family values; place educational institutions upon the right foundation; empower true religion to provide guidance and purpose to empty lives; maintain a global economy that will never see a depression—or even a recession; ensure that government on all levels will be free of bureaucracy; and convert all weapons to a greater purpose (Isa. 2:4).

And this world-ruling kingdom will never fall!

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Kenya, a chart with MUNGIKI LEADER MAINA

Posted by SG on May 7, 2008

Why Mungiki sect leader is a cut above the other inmates

Story by CASPER WAITHAKA
Publication Date: 5/7/2008

He cuts an ordinary body frame and his eyes reveal an “innocent” man in jail. His brown complexion radiates in sunshine and when our eyes first meet, I  doubt whether this  is the man behind all we hear about the dreaded and banned Mungiki sect.

Mungiki sect leader Maina Njenga. He looks healthy and smart even in jail. Photo/FILE

But  mystery surrounds Maina Njenga, the man believed to be the force behind  a sect that is known to extort, intimidate,  and kill in cold blood.

When we seek to meet him at  the Naivasha prison, we are, as expected, filled with curiosity.

The Nation team visited him in prison to get an interview with the man believed to be leading the movement that is believed to have a following of over two million members.

To Park aside

Having never visited a prison before, it was all challenging and reaching the gate, the warder asked what our mission was. And straight, we told him we were visiting a prisoner.

We were asked to park aside and give our details to be given a pass. The thought of saying who we were visiting scared us with the possibility we may even get arrested.

A small white gate pass was issued, which we presented to the officer at the next gate.

Luckily, there were some officers outside, and we were ushered in after waiting for about half an hour.

An elderly warder, identified only as Makau, showed us a small office and yes; here was Maina Njenga, the man I had read so much about.

He looked younger and more energetic than seen on TV.

He welcomed us and once again introduced himself.

Spoken on phone

Frankly speaking, we had spoken on phone earlier informing him that we were on the way.

Looking at him, you would think we were visiting a prisoner in a Hollywood movie. He looked healthy, and his face shone unlike other prisoners, a clear indication that he gets enough of sunlight.

His hair was well kept. He wore smart open shoes with clean socks, unlike the normal prison scenario whereby inmates are always in open shoes made from old car tyres, commonly known as akala.

We met at an office-like setting where the warder sat as the host, while we sat facing each other, unlike the case with many other prisoners. (I have heard you see them through a grille with limited time).

We were treated with utmost respect right from the gate, so to speak, and apart from the search at the gate using the metal detector, all was well with us.

The interview lasted for over one hour, but mostly Maina leaned on his history, saying that he attended Ortum Secondary School in West Pokot.

“I have lived with Pokots, Turkanas, Ugandans, Kalenjins, among other tribes. Many people look at me and think I am a tribalist. I appreciate cultures of the different communities I have lived with,” Maina said.

I had decided to keep my paper and pen safely in the pocket as we had posed as friends visiting an inmate. But I was shocked when Maina asked me to write and even make calls and not to fear anything. He was very strong and agile and stressed every point that he put through.

Analysing what he was talking about, he stressed on the importance of dialogue, and that there was hope, especially after the Prime Minister, Mr Raila Odinga, invited Mungiki sect members to dialogue after the naming of the grand coalition Cabinet.

The sect leader is known to claim that he had died and resurrected after four days.

Bible verses

In this respect, Maina seems to have become quite spiritual of late, quoting Bible verses every now and again, notably from  1 Corinthians 13:11.

The serve reads: ‘‘When I was a child, I understood as a child, I spoke as a child, but when I became a man I put away childish things.’’

He stressed that from 1987 when he started the sect, he was worshipping as a child, but now he has grown up and that he was ready to change the dreaded sect members to good people.

He adds that God is his shield and they will no longer face Mt Kenya while praying.

Though at the beginning, the Mungiki were said to be fighting modernity, they are seen to have shifted goalposts to fight against poverty and other social injustices.

The warders

The sect members say they are the children of the Mau Mau, who were forgotten during the land allocation after independence.

Prisoners are known to languish in pain and misery while behind bars. However, former Vice-President Moody Awori is known to have reformed the institutions although he seems to have forgotten about the warders.

The latest warders go-slow revealed some of the issues that have not been dealt with for decades.

Maina was arrested on February 2, 2006 and was convicted in June of being in possession of 22 rolls of bhang worth Sh1,220 and an Italian Bandeli pistol, though he always claims they were fabricated.

The two offences were also bailable, but his efforts to be out on bond always proved futile.

Naivasha maximum security jail was built in late 1969, and has held some of Kenya’s well-known prisoners, including Delamere’s grandson Tom Cholmondeley and Naivasha businessman Fai Amario.

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