GENERAL ALI MOVED ITEERE NEW POLICE BOSS IN KENYA

An hour ago the tough talking police boss was

sacked and MATHEW ITEERE the immediate GSU

boss is the new police chief. more news on this

later

KENYAN TROOPS MOVE NEAR THE LAKE-UGANDA KENYAN VICTORIA ISLANDS- WAR?

 (Kenyan army and Navy seen heading to bases near the lake. Additional information by a source).

By Daily Nation-Talks on Lake Victoria border row set up

By ELISHA OTIENO and PMPS Posted Sunday, January 18 2009 at 19:10

 

 

 

The Government is in talks with Uganda to solve a boundary row involving some islands in Lake Victoria.

Prime Minister Raila Odinga said Ugandan officials had agreed to a proposal to form a joint committee to freshly demarcate the contentious border in the lake.

“I have held talks with President Yoweri Museveni over the disputed islands in Lake Victoria and we expect Ugandan authorities to send a team to join the Kenyan delegation and resolve the row,” he said.

However, the PM said preliminary findings indicated that the islands were on Kenyan soil but urged fishermen to be patient as the committee finalised its task.

He told those present at a thanksgiving party of Nyatike MP Edick Omondi Anyanga at the weekend that the subcommittee on Defence had been mandated to lead negotiations with their Ugandan counterparts.

“The 1962 map is clear but for the purpose of good relations with our neighbours we have sent ministers Moses Wetangula, George Saitoti, James Orengo and Yusuf Haji to meet the team from Uganda to iron out the row,” the PM said.

Fishermen have complained of continuous harassment by Uganda’s security officers in the lake over the border dispute.

But Mr Odinga warned that the fishermen had been pushed to the limit by the security forces from the neighbouring country and “we will not accept to be pushed further”.

“We are aware of other Kenyan islands in the lake that were seized by Uganda during the reign of Idi Amin,” he added. He named Sigulu, Lolwe, Remba, Oyasi and Ringiti as some of the islands.

Speaking elsewhere, Mr Odinga said the corruption scandals will not kill the Grand Coalition’s spirit. He said ODM was less than a year in government and some of the graft cases started before they joined.

However, the PM said the Grand Coalition would remain intact despite the corruption cases. “No one should think that the Grand Coalition is dead because we are still less than a year old since formation,” he warned.

SHEIKH SHERIF AHMED OF SOMALIA a savior or killer?

LIFTED FROM benadir-watch.com
gaatamo@benadir-watch.co

CATCHING UP WITH SHEIKH XARIIF!

Dear Sheikh Xariif,

It is so exciting to hear from you once again. Right after you left the killing fields of Southern Somalia, back in January 2007, people did not hear from you. You must have been testing the waters, but I knew that you would resurface again.

This time around, however, we have some good questions for you, in the hope that you will take this opportunity to get the record straight. To start with, you could tell us something about your friends who were bombarded, executed, tortured, persecuted, and renditioned in the area between the Kenyan and Ethiopian borders with Southern Somalia, while you moved around, meeting strange people, in strange places, holding press conferences, and lecturing the population of Somalia about the resistance to the Ethiopian invasion.

In fact, it does not seem that you even apply for visas, like us ordinary people, but you enter Kenya, Djibouti, Yemen, Egypt, England, Eritrea, Sweden, etc. you name it. You take airplanes, here and there. I am amazed at who pays your bills and how you do all these things. Man, you must be a star.

There, in the border area between Somalia and Kenya, as you know, Somalis are hunted like wild game, killed, and left to rot in the hot sun. But you are picked up, and placed in one of the most comfortable hotels in Nairobi. There, you even gave interviews in public to Al-jezzira, and I listened to what you had to say, and I admit that your language skills are outstanding. Add that to your ebony skin, white gown all the way to your heels, and glamorous white teeth.

To tell the truth I envy your discipline so much that we always end up granting you the benefit of the doubt. Tell us how much you know about the thousands of young men and women, mostly school children, who were mobilized to move out of Mogadishu in December 2006, so that they could be easy targets for the Ethiopian bombardments.

Tell us about the meetings where it was decided that your committee should provide the trucks that would take these young men and women to their death. On a one way journey to the Bay Region, of no return, in the killing fields of Idaale and Manaas.

Tell us if those torched silent faces whom you never talk about in public, buried deep in your cloak, reappear in your dreams, asking you why you sent them to their death. Because Meles says that he made the necessary arrangements in advance with certain clan chiefs in Mogadishu (Al-jazeera, January 2007).

The jubilation that accompanied the famous trip from Afgoi to Mogadishu in January 2007, the glory in the slaughter, “we did it”, we saw all that on the TV.

Tell us how much you know about this plot, we are all ears. I will give you a tip, one more does not matter, after all patience is our strength not yours, if your memory fails to remember the guys I am talking about.

I am referring to your buddy, the notorious thug, White Eye, who terrorized the peaceful communities in Merka and the peasants in the immediate Dhowoy hinterland for years, seizing women, property and land. By the way, he never missed a prayer five times a day, in front of his God, the God of Billiliqo and Ballaayo, not mine, while making riches out of the suffering of the Benadiri and Dhowoy communities. Three days before the Ethiopian invasion, he flew to Saudia, after making sure that thousands of young men and women were transported out of Mogadishu, to be massacred. People are saying that in exchange for his excellent job, he got millions of dollars and a safe haven in Saudia, where he is currently residing as a guest of Prince Sheikh Big Beard.

To say the least, you must agree with me that you were left with an empty bag, and to say a little more, I am certain that we will have occasion to revisit this subject again. Tell us how many were killed in the Ethiopian bombardments in the killing fields of Gosha, how many died of malaria, and how many were bitten by poisonous snakes.

Surely, all of this took place within a short period, a couple of weeks. In fact, it did not take you much time to zip these memories and archive them in a distant corner where you and your God only know. As you know, December is a very calm month in Southern Somalia, not much happens, as the monsoon breezes over the savannah, and people, especially young people, just, do no expect to be hunted like wild game.

Or tell us how some of your prestigious friends, such as Mr. White and group, managed to take a plane from Somalia to Yemen – and if your memory fails you, again, may I remind you that the ports and airports were all closed shortly before the fighting intensified in Southern Somalia in the middle of December 2006 and January 2007. It must be a lucky coincidence that Mr. White and group are salvaged by the Yemeni Security Services and you are salvaged by the Kenyan Security Services.

To be fair to the dead, in our books, we have to stipulate that coincidences do not occur in this business and that your relationship with these strange services started long time ago, long before Joseph, son of the crazy Carawello and the legendry coward Egal Shidaad, became the Trojan Horse of Abraha, the colonialist. One foot here, one foot there, sounds very familiar to me, you remind me of the legendary Italian pride, Arlecchino, servant of one thousand masters.

What a burden! By the way, you would have noticed that all these guys have the word “white” in their names. We even had a president, named Adam White. We even have now an illegal prime minister named Light White, nominated by an illegal president, who finds glory and emancipation in his biblical Arab ancestry. The obsession is strange, the pattern curious, when everything around them is as dark as lava.

Confused, that the perception of colors may be the root cause of the misunderstanding, the Saudis could not hold back, in fact, they snapped, “if these are your lights and whites, how do your blacks look like?” Frantz Fanon, in his majestic treatise on the psychology of the black man, calls it the inferiority syndrome, the burden of the black man as he seeks emancipation and legitimacy, even naming his children after the white color.

Of course, I am distressed that half a century later, the sub culture of the colonial domination is this time around flourishing and kicking in this unfortunate land of the Somalis. Or tell us why your prayers abandoned you in the jungles of Manaas and Lower Jubba. Could it be that the angels had a problem with your footprints all over the place?

Many people, in fact, attribute your diminishing luck to the allegation that your mission was never sacred in the first place. In fact, I never heard you talk about equal rights to political representation and equal opportunity for all. By joining the illegal TFG, you and the careerist scholars with you endorse the racist 4.5 clause which alienates the vast majority of peaceful communities in the country.

You ignore the rights of the Somali citizen, the rights of indigenous populations, and never take a position against the injustices of the clan chauvinists in the country. No wonder, many people believe that you are an artist, a „xariif” in Somali jargon, a dealer, because such command and use of language to avoid the critical issues is not possible in any other way. Or could it be that your grey cells simply could not connect the dots, jammed, and made a U-turn, in this monkey business, when the going got tough.

No wonder, the Kenyan Security Services made a sound calculation, they let you go, no strings attached, you must be more of a help outside than inside. Just like a bat, hitting one wall at a time, as you move from one stage to the next, but always inside a cage, all they have to do is push the buttons, and you dance to the melody, a marionette.

I watched your press conference on Al-Jazeera as your caravan left Mogadishu in mid December 2006. Frankly, I was suspicious, not because I could see the wrinkles on your face and your thoughts but your body language and the shrinking of your white gown seemed disturbing to me, a sign that you were on a journey. It was a troubling scene to see your caravan in what you would call a “hijra” from a city infested with crooks.

Sounds like that you are haunted by a desire to make parallelisms, seeking glory and prophecy where there is only pain, suffering, betrayal, and anger. But all you got and all you will get is the BBC propaganda machine. You must be unlucky. Then came Djibouti.

I listened to your BBC interview of June 8, 2008 as you painted the horizon with colors and flowers. What bothered me was that there was no passion and excitement in your voice as you described the terms of your “glorious” peace deal. I could even feel the uneasiness in your voice, the irritation, from thousands of miles as if big brother Ghelle is twisting your arm. I understand that you do not speak good English, but that does not give you the right to misrepresent the terms of your transaction to the Somali people.

More reckless, when you want to test and hope that things will go your way, backed by generic slogans of wanting to get the invaders out with a pen, two pages, and 300 words. More serious, you do not even seem to have a clue at the historic process that is in motion in Southern Somalia, today. What a misery, when will this strange Somalia stop producing these geniuses? And then, it was striking to hear you talk about the need to save even one life, and back here, I rejoice, finally you got it – because it seems that you are having company in the middle of the night when you are alone with your God, the God of Bakaaraha, Idaale, and Manaas.

Nagging silent voices of school children, alive in our memories, whom you will never be able to suppress, no matter what you do. Go and visit them, their bones are still alive, feeding the sacred jungles of Manaas, Idaale, and Gosha, talk to them and ask for forgiveness.

You may blame the United Nations envoy to Somalia for getting you into this mess and bringing your career to an abrupt disappointment. Too bad, you spent too much time recycling verses instead of watching and learning how the UN works. Had you some patience and some decency to give time to time, you would have known that only three years after its foundation, by 1948, the former colonial powers were using this organization to expand their strategic interests.

Deep in the ocean, the sharks continue to eat the small fish, so goes the Somali saying. Yes, that is precisely why we are in this mess, setup to fail. As far as the UN envoy is concerned, he is there to prevent the Somali catastrophe from hitting his ambitious career. He is an eagle who is trained to eat with the chicken in times of drought, a survivor, in and out, a clean career, a clean record, that is the name of the game in New York and Geneva.

But never mind, I do not expect to win this argument, for the trauma of misery, the injustices of a century of colonialism and oppression have had their toll. Painfully, I must admit that I should not be surprised if you end up equating powdered mild cans with the sovereignty of nations. The right hand does not matter as long as the left hand is feeding the guys.

The stark reality which we all face today is that the AU and IGAD chieftains, in their racist agenda, consider themselves as the new Trusteeship Council for the trust territory of Somalia, and you as nothing more than the usual Somali in the reserves, easy to handle with cookies and sticks.

But I do expect that once and for all you bring an end to this misery and stop being used, in this world of users and used. From Mogadishu, to Nairobi, to Yemen, and now Djibouti, the circle is closed, what more? Believe me, settling in Giohar and pulling the strings from the land of the Shiidle Sagaalo and Walamoi, is not an option – it is not your native town, it has never been so.

But if you insist, then we have to seek relief, you are on notice that displacing native indigenous populations is a crime against humanity. Fair enough.

Mark my words, and learn something from me. Given your record, you and the careerist professors with you, will not be the exception to prove the laws that govern colonial occupations, a proof that you must be newcomers to this game.

You did get away with a lot, this time around, however, you landed in a box with a timer – 120 days hang around your neck, finally the clock is ticking on you, you are at the mercy of gravity in a free and fair fall, and I can already feel your heart beat.

Get a new job, stop being a customer to the BBC, the ways of the Almighty are infinite. What a long journey, had you used maps, you could have found a shorter route to Mogadishu and why not Addis, after all, it is only a matter of time. Going east to go west, adios amigos, wish you a pleasant journey, you have the carpet, all roads lead to Hamaray, where your buddies are waiting for you. Only that you will not be able to hide your foot prints in the this age of the internet.

Just let the BBC propaganda machine and Hiiraan Online do the talking and the advocacy, both are good in the art of selling. They even sold Joseph to the people. Must keeping a job reach this point? Tell us, who whispers in their ears, for I would not be surprised if they nominate you for the Nobel Peace Prize.

In fact, only a couple of years ago, despite all your shining contradictions, Hiiraan Online must have seen you in a dream – they nominated you “the man of the year” – they still owe the Somali people an explanation – what was the decision based on? What is the affair?. Back to business, now. May you know that smart people like you, no matter how they look like, and how many verses they read, are not entitled to get the benefit of the doubt.

Your status, claimed or usurped, prevents you from claiming lack of knowledge as defense. Neither can you hide behind the Will of Allah to justify the death of thousands of people when your actions, politically instigate uninformed masses to become the targets of Ethiopian bombardments while you and your inner group run for cover.

I am aware that in similar conditions, confusion and frustration may take over, tempting you to use the clan factor, in fact, signs of outbursts and degeneration can already be felt in your voice. The way things are, for now, decency requires that you shut up, step aside, stay away from making stupid declarations, even if Prince Sheikh Big Beard and the fat old lady draft one for you, as they did with Sheikh Salah in 1913, and stop causing more damage.

Frankly, you owe the Somali people this consideration.

gaatamo@benadir-watch.com July 25, 2008

USELESS SCAPEGOATS,KENYA

Published on 05/01/2009 The Standard

Fellow countrymen, greetings from one of your servants, a Kenya Police officer.

I know it is wise to listen more and talk less but last year, we in the force listened too much. Everybody spent time addressing us: Politicians, Waki, pretenders to human rights, Mungiki (under various pseudonyms), the media and so on. It even became a measure of ‘good journalism’ to criticise the police spokesman when he was too practical. It is now my intention to make you listen to a policeman.

I will start by introducing myself. I am a Kenyan, no less than the rest of you. I travel in matatus, listen to radio, watch television, read newspapers and occasionally engage in gossip. I, therefore, know your opinion regarding “Kenya Police”. But do you know my opinion on “You Kenyans?”

Let me start with the post-election violence: Justice Waki identified why, this time last year, people engaged in the most savage murders. He had “incontrovertible evidence” that it was purely “failure by the police”. Kenyans are good, their police are bad.

This judgment was such a good tranquiliser, acres of newsprint have been exhausted analysing it. But this is not new. Whenever faced by serious internal threats, communities or nations identify an external one to mobilise against. This allows nations to forget internal differences and close ranks to deal with the “threats”.

Some ancient communities used to identify the cause of their problems at the end of the year. The identified person, object or institution would be heaped with societal blame and killed. The communities then achieved a catharsis. They, thus, ‘proved’ to themselves that they were not bad after all, it was the ‘devil’ who was to blame.

In the build up to the 2007 General Election, you, Kenyans, regressed into ethnic blocks, preached politics of ethnicity and hatred. You regularly found it easy to criticise the police for not championing your narrow ethnic interests, few could readily abide by police direction on law and order. Human rights activists were heavily cited by the courts to set suspects free. Nobody ever tried to demand RESPONSIBILITY by political activists.

For several months, your bigoted savagery knew no bounds. But never mind that — Waki had a ‘eureka’ moment, finding devils to beat in the Kenya Police and Administration Police. These, he would have us believe, are the demons that made people burn churches, block roads, uproot railways, loot and murder.

To this day, nobody has suggested what police officers are supposed to do when whole communities go mad. When killings are executed by a community actively participating, cheering on or hiding the suspects.

unabated

Blame the police if you like, but don’t forget the issues still remain. As a policeman, I know that it is absurd to talk about the post-election violence in past tense: The violence continues in our midst unabated.

My next target is the lot calling themselves ‘courts’. These guys are so hypnotised by their temporary titles that they have forgotten they are villagers, just like the rest of us. It is, therefore, perfect for them to answer “questions of law” by contemptuously releasing rapists, murderers and violent robbers. My message to them is singular: You cannot have your cake and eat it. You either join the rest of the society in fighting crime and promoting law and order or you shut up about crime. You cannot be ‘popo’ for too long, you either want criminals in the society or you don’t. Whatever decision you take in that court, be prepared to live with it in your estates, families, villages and highways.

Finally, for the Tenth Parliament: I know you ascended into sugar candy mountains one year ago, and that you have a well-paid Speaker who considers police constables who guard and drive him “sufficiently philanthropic” to pay taxes on a salary less than his sitting allowance for three hours. I know that you are in a hurry to sack entire institutions to reward your cronies, that you are the Parliament with the highest number of criminals who remain innocent until proved guilty.

However, remember that it is unforgivable to water down the laws of the land due to hypocrisy and short-term benefits. You had better come down from your mountains while our patience lasts. If you wait until we fetch you from those heights, the descent might be a bit bumpy.

The writer is a police officer.

SOMALIA PRESIDENT RESIGNS

Parliament speaker calls for Unity

Posted: 12/29/2008 1:08:00 PM

Shabelle: SOMALIA BAIDOA(Sh. M.Network)-Parliament speaker Adan Mohamed Nur called for unity after the resignation of Somalia’s president Abdulahi Yusuf Ahmed.   “I have received and accepted the resignation letter of President Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed,” Nur said.   “I congratulate the president for the bold step he has taken in respect of the transitional federal charter,” ha added.   Yusuf then left Baidoa for the semi-autonomous region of Puntland of which he had been president from 1989 to 2004.   Somalia’s parliament now has 30 days to elect a new president by secret ballot.   The winner must garner a two-thirds majority of the votes. If not, a second and third round of voting is called. In the last round, the winner would only need a simple majority.   Conflict in Somalia and power struggles that erupted since 1991 have Scuppered numerous initiatives to restore national stability.

FUTURE KENYAN MISLEADERS OR LEADERS?

By Daily Nation

The possibility that Kenya will have a youthful President at the next election appears more uncertain with the line-up that has filed papers at the office of the Registrar of Political Parties.

 

Barring an Obama-type upset, where a leader will emerge from obscurity to capture the imagination of a majority of voters in a break from tradition, the shape of things to come will be directed by seven personalities, who are party leaders.

 

Most of the top leaders who have been unveiled by their political parties as potential presidential candidates in the next General Election have declared that the country was ready for a young president.

 

Inspired by the election of 47-year-old Barack Obama as the US President last month, the politicians, who are now chairpersons or deputy leaders of their parties, argue that it is time Kenyans embraced a generational change and voted into office a young person.

 

The leaders cite the high number of MPs below the age of 40 who won their seats in the last General Election as a sign of changing times. They suggested that voters could settle for a leader who is young, arguing that Mr Daniel arap Moi was 54 years when he took over power. But just how young is young?

 

Those who have so far staked a claim to the presidency are Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka, and Deputy Prime ministers Uhuru Kenyatta and Musalia Mudavadi. Others are Cabinet ministers Martha Karua, George Saitoti and William Ruto.

 

They are likely to run for high office themselves or marshall support for other candidates as the race shapes up and dependent on the character the new constitution assumes.

 

Igembe South MP Mithika Linturi introduced a motion seeking to set the presidential age limit at 65 years.

 

Backers of the motion, mainly youthful MPs supporting the formation of the grand opposition in Parliament, argue that old politicians are responsible for the ills facing the country.

 

Mr Odinga has repeatedly said that he favours a parliamentary system of government with a PM who holds executive powers.

 

He also favours devolution of power to the regions. On the other hand, some MPs allied to Mr Musyoka appear to favour a system where executive power remains with the President who is voted through a universal suffrage system.

 

Mr Odinga, who will be 67 years in 2012, last week retained his seat as the ODM party leader and is expected to vie for the presidency for the third time.

 

In the last elections, he put up a spirited campaign for State House on an ODM ticket, but saw his hopes fade with the disputed presidential election result. The Electoral Commission of Kenya declared Mr Kibaki the winner, sparking a wave of violence that was only brought to an end by the intervention of the international community through former UN secretary general Kofi Annan.

 

Mr Musyoka, Mr Mudavadi, Ms Karua and Mr Ruto said the youth were the majority voters and were not tied down by factors of tribalism, class and regions.

 

While describing young presidents as inspirational, Mr Musyoka argued that the ideas and policies of an individual candidate were the best determinants of a leader.

 

“There are young presidents who are very inspirational worldwide just as there are old presidents who are very successful. What Kenyans require is a servant leader who will demystify State House by pursuing policies that connect directly with the ordinary person,” he told the Sunday Nation on the phone.

 

The VP, who will be 59 in 2012, said he was proud of the historic achievements of Mr Obama, who is set to be sworn into office as the first black US President on January 20, 2009.

 

The ODM Kenya leader is expected to take a second stab at the highest political office in the land in the next polls. In the last elections, he was third after Mr Kibaki and Mr Odinga.

 

POLICE STOP MOUNTAIN PRAYERS

News

Police stop mountain prayers Rating By GEORGE MUNENE

Posted Saturday, Daily Nation,  December 27 2008 at 21:31

 

Heavily armed police on Saturday stopped the much-publicised prayers that were scheduled to take place in Mt Kenya forest and arrested 25 worshippers.

The hundreds of worshippers said to be from the Kikuyu, Embu and Meru communities were intercepted by police at Kianjiru market in Kirinyaga district on their way to Mount Kenya forest to pray to their God.

However, the police declared the prayers illegal and dispersed the worshippers after arresting some of them who they claimed had been sent as an advance party to assess the security situation in the area.

Led by the area police boss, Mr Herbert Khaemba, the law enforcers barricaded the Embu-Nairobi road and ordered the worshippers, who were aboard 10 matatus, to stop.

Spiritual leader

The worshippers, some of whom wore dreadlocks and were carrying red and light blue ribbons obeyed and alighted from the vehicles.

Plain clothes detectives and two provincial administration officers mingled freely with the worshippers, most of whom wore heavy rain jackets.

The worshippers were accompanied by a man driving a Range Rover and who was said to be one of their spiritual leaders.

Tension mounted as the worshippers insisted the prayers must go on as planned. Some of the worshippers knelt on the roadside and started praying.

The standoff dragged on for an hour before the police, who were armed with guns, rungus and teargas canisters, forced the worshippers to board their vehicles, telling them to return to their respective homes.

Regroup and return

The police then escorted the worshippers to Makutano market and warned them of dire consequences should they return to the area.

In the ongoing confusion, some worshippers escaped death narrowly when one of the buses in the convoy hit a matatu as it reversed.

One of the men accused the police of interfering with their freedom of worship adding that they would regroup and return.

“We were going to the mountain to worship our God who we abandoned after being misled by the white missionaries,” he said.

They said that they want to return to their traditional way of worshipping and would not reverse the decision.

“Our ancestors used to pray on the Mountain and we must emulate them,” another worshipper who asked not to be named said.

The worshippers said they had travelled from all parts of the country and that they wanted to converge at the forest for a major prayer meeting.

plane crashes in somalia

KENYA, REVIEW MILITARY FUNDING

WHY LIBYA WANTED TO BOMB KENYA

Top secrets: Gaddafi plotted to bomb KenyaStory by KAMAU NGOTHO Publication Date: 5/26/2008

Like with politics, espionage knows no permanent friends or enemies, only the convergence of interests. Libyan leader Col. Muammar Gaddafi. Photo/FILE Said to be the second oldest profession, at times it appears to have even lesser morals than the first. No surprise that when relationship between Nairobi and Washington were at the ice cold, it was still business as usual for legendary Kenyan spy chief James Kanyotu and the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States. Early one morning in February 1991, Mr Kanyotu found himself with a difficult assignment. His friends in the CIA had called with an urgent and unusual request. Dissidents They had with them 600 Libyan dissidents they wanted sequestered in Kenya before they could be flown to a safe haven out of the reach of mercurial Libyan leader, Col Muammar Gaddafi. The dissidents had been spirited out of Libya in a daring secret move and first flown to the then Zaire, now Democratic Republic of Congo. But the CIA was not confident that Zaire was a safe haven. The country’s dictator, Marshal Mobutu Sese Seko was a US ally and had himself come to power in the 1960s as a CIA protégé. But the Americans considered him unstable, unreliable and unpredictable. His avarice and love of money was legendary, and it would not be beyond him to cut a deal with Col Gaddafi and turn over the dissidents in exchange for handsome sums wired to his numerous Swiss bank accounts. The Americans wanted their charges out of Congo speedily, and Kenya seemed like the best choice. But there was one problem. President Moi at that time had no time for the US. Kenya was in the throes of the multi-party campaign and the US had come out strongly in favour of the push for democratisation. Mr Moi was particularly irked by President George Bush’s ambassador in Kenya, the outspoken Smith Hempstone, who consorted openly with and supported the growing opposition of the day and had been dismissed as the Nyama Choma (roasted meat) ambassador. An approach through Mr Hempstone would not work, for Moi would have loved nothing better than to tell the envoy to ‘shove it’. A direct approach from Washington, either through the Secretary of State or the President himself, was also considered but none wanted to chance reaching Moi when in one of his foul moods and risk a humiliating rejection. So the CIA turned to Mr Kanyotu to soften President Moi for them. It was a difficult assignment on two grounds. First of course was Mr Moi’s growing anger with the United States. Then there was the security risk for Kenya in crossing Mr Gaddafi, who might find a soft target on which to hit back at the US. The Libyan leader by then was on the American list of unfriendly regimes. He was fiercely anti-American, and was accused of financing Middle Eastern terrorist groups that were increasingly aiming at targets in the West. The Libyans at the time were also moving aggressively to position themselves in sub-saharan Africa, unlike many other North African countries, which viewed themselves primarily as members of the Arab world. That was where  Mr Kanyottu found the chink in President Moi’s armour. Libyan interests in the region had in the past few years been viewed suspiciously by Kenya, which was alarmed by the countries seeming support for dissident movements. From the early 1980, the Libyan embassy on Loita Street had become a popular calling place for radial student activists from nearby University of Nairobi. Usually it was to pick up freebies in the form of Mr Gaddafi’s writings, including his famous Green Book, and other literature and posters on Libyan and on the Palestinian cause. Mr Kanyotu’s agents kept a close watch around the embassy, paying particular attention to student leaders whom they thought might be tempted into going beyond mere infatuation with Gaddafi and enlisting into something sinister. Libya at the time already had a strong presence in neighbouring Uganda, which under President Yoweri Museveni had become the favoured transit point for Kenyan dissidents fleeing the country for exile in Europe. By early 1991, Kenya had already severed diplomatic relations with Tripoli after accusing the northern African country of sponsoring anti-Moi elements. Some student leaders at the University of Nairobi had also been arrested and charged with espionage for allegedly spying for Libya. Even without the Libyan link, President Moi at time viewed President Museveni as a dangerous radical all too keen to spread his ideology across the region. Kenya and Uganda had engaged in a brief shooting war across the common border only a few years previously, and still regarded each other with deep suspicion. With all the information at his fingertips, Mr Kanyotu was able to convince President Moi that the real threat lay not in US support for the multi-party campaign in Kenya, but in Libyan support for dissidents who might want to forment a revolution via neighbouring Uganda. Mr Kanyotu thought, Moi — even for ego purposes only — would relish the moment to show both Col Gaddafi and Mr Museveni who was boss in the region. Mr Moi gave his nod, and working under the strictest security, Mr Kanyotu’s men and the CIA hurriedly constructed a camp to hold the Libyans at a remote point off the Thika-Garissa highway. Within a week, a makeshift barracks was in place complete with a borehole and a fully-equipped dispensary. To throw off-scent any nosy characters, signposts were erected purporting that American peace-corps were coming to help sink boreholes in the remote reaches of Mwingi District. On D-Day, Mr Kanyotu joined the CIA team at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport shortly after midnight. Also present was Mr Hempstone. As Nairobi slept, two US Air Force jets taxied at the far end of the apron. Unmarked buses from the Kenya Army were in place to transport the delicate human cargo. Before dawn, the Libyan exiles were sound asleep in their new, but temporary, Kenyan home. Mr Gaddafi, probably through Ugandan and Soviet intelligence sources in Nairobi, soon came to learn about the presence of Libyans dissidents in Kenya. He was furious, and immediately set about planning how to retaliate. Commando squad A Libyan commando force assembled near the Entebbe Airport in Uganda, ready to strike once the exact location of the secret camp holding Libyan dissidents in Kenya was established. Gaddafi’s first option was lightning air strike to bomb the camp and kill as many of the residents as possible. The other was to bring in a commando squad by land, raid the place and capture some of the dissidents. To keep him off-scent, Mr Kanyotu and the CIA put up several decoys that kept the Libyan intelligence operatives on a wild goose chase. Meanwhile, the Americans found a permanent refuge for the dissidents, and before the Libyan forces could strike they were secretly flown out of Kenya under cover of darkness. After ranting and raving for a period, Mr Gaddafi concluded the Kenyan leader was no pushover and offered to make peace.

KENYA, DEADLY WEAPONS SHIPPED IN

 

STANDARD 19TH JULY

On February 29, three arms shipments left the Somalia arms markets in Mogadishu. That was about three weeks after the American Embassy banned some Kenyan leaders from entering the US reportedly because either they were the architects of post-election violence or were sabotaging the national reconciliation talks.

Some Somalia livestock traders, on behalf of three different clients, reportedly placed the order. Two separate shipments were bought by Kenyans and consisted of 14 pistols, and 24 boxes of ammunition, 18 AK-47s, 14 magazines and 30 boxes of ammunition. There were also four AK-47s, six magazines and eight boxes of ammunition.

This cache was beside another consignment of two containers that have also not been traced.

The Kenyan buyers of the cache from Somalia loaded the chests in two four-by-four vehicles with Somalia registration. The arms were later ferried into Kenya and to Modogashe, halfway between Wajir and Isiolo where they were offloaded into vehicles with local registration. In mid-March, some Somali-Kenyans are reported to have presented a middleman with a wish list of weapons and ammunition for two Kenyan clients.

“In this particular case, the buyer was a militia group in Kenya,” the UN Monitoring Group report obtained by The Standard on Saturday says.

The second client requested three AK-47s, four boxes of ammunition and six magazines. The client also needed four pistols, four boxes of ammunition and three magazines.

“Both shipments were loaded in a truck transporting food and clothes. The truck departed from Elasha Somalia arms market to Jilib and Bu’ale before reaching Afmadow, where the cargo was offloaded.

KENYA, DARE NOT TOUCH OUR MONEY SAYS MPS

Don’t dare tax our pay, say MPs

Published on June 19, 2008, 12:00 am

By Alex Ndegwa

Members of Parliament fought back viciously against the move by Finance Minister Amos Kimunya to tax their allowances, sending a strong signal that they would, again, scuttle the effort.

Acrimony, name-calling and finger-pointing marred debate in Parliament with MPs clashing over KimunyaÕs proposal to tax their allowances.

The proposal in last weekÕs Budget to amend the law to provide for taxation of allowances for MPs and holders of constitutional offices, including judges, opened a new battlefront, a clear indication that Kimunya had touched a raw nerve.

While it attracted support from Cabinet ministers, some who had voiced support for it outside Parliament, the proposal triggered fury from MPs who back the formation of the Grand Official Opposition.

It was even opposed by some in Government, with at least three assistant ministers voicing disapproval.

Debate over the tax question showed that MPs were touchy over attempts to scrape off anything from lucrative allowances that have consistently come under sharp criticism.

MPs only pay tax on Sh200,000 that is designated as pay. At 30 per cent tax bracket, this would amount to Sh60,000 an MP. But allowances, which form the bulk of their earnings are untouched.

This is the second year in a row that Kimunya has proposed to tax the allowances, going a step further this time by lining it up for amendment alongside other budgetary proposals.

Assistant ministers Peter Kenneth (Planning and National Development), Sospeter OjaamongÕ (Labour) and Orwa Ojodeh (Internal Security) urged the Finance Minister to reconsider the position.

Kenneth pointedly appealed to the minister not to Òplay to the galleryÓ, saying the controversial taxation should not be used to drive a wedge between the electorate and their parliamentary representatives.

ÒI appeal to the minister to look at the cost-benefit analysis of this move,Ó Kenneth told the House.

Ojaamong was emphatic that MPsÕ allowances should remain intact. Ojodeh thumped his feet in approval.

But Livestock minister Mohammed Kuti backed the taxation proposal that Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister Martha Karua had supported the previous day.

On a day of heated exchanges, Kangundo MP Johnstone Muthama sparked outrage when he supported the proposal, saying he was aware it was not popular among MPs Òbut I am not here to befriend anyoneÓ.

ÒIf the common mwananchi is paying taxes, I want to pay tax too,Ó Muthama declared as he contributed to the debate on last weekÕs Budget speech.

His remark angered MPs Bonny Khalwale (Ikolomani, New Ford-K) and Charles Kilonzo (Yatta, ODM-K) who said individuals who had reaped from ill-gotten wealth were the ones calling for tax cuts Ònow that they had enriched themselvesÓ.

Khalwale accused Muthama of having benefited from Sh40 million of the multi-billion shilling Goldenberg scandal.

The Temporary Speaker, Imenti Central MP Gitobu Imanyara, had a hectic time controlling the House as debate got nasty.

 

Unpopular stands

Khalwale, who is the chairman of the Public Accounts Committee, threatened to table a list of beneficiaries of the scam, Òwho include MuthamaÓ, to expose leadersÕ dishonesty.

Those opposed to the proposal argued that legislators were already burdened by their constituentsÕ needs.

The following are excerpts of the heated debate:

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Muthama:

I will lobby for taxation of MPsÕ allowances and I know this will be unpopular with some of my colleagues. But I am not here to befriend anyone. If the common mwananchi is paying tax, I want to pay tax too.Khalwale:

Taxation of MPsÕ allowances is not the solution to KenyansÕ problems. The honourabe member benefited from Sh40 million of Goldenberg money.Imanyara:

Khalwale you are overruled. (Debate resumes, but is interrupted by more ugly exchanges)Charles Kilonzo:

It is wrong to tax MPsÕ allowances because legislators foot funeral, hospital and bursary bills incurred by their constituents. Most of those calling for tax cuts are in court facing graft charges related to Goldenberg and Anglo Leasing. After making their money, they want the rest of us to get pay cuts. The fact that you are an elected MP doesnÕt cleanse you of evil deeds.Muthama:

If he (Kilonzo) was to take stock of himself, he would realise he was brought up with that money. His father was a Police Commissioner (former Police Chief the late Philip Kilonzo).Imanyara:

Hon Muthama, you are out of order.Kilonzo:

The guilty are always afraid. I had not mentioned him (Muthama). Can I now go ahead and name him.Khalwale:

Those MPs who ripped the country apart through Goldenberg schemes are now pretending to save Kenyans. Will I be in order to table recipients of Goldenberg funds who include Mr Muthama?

(Muthama protests)

Kilonzo:

The Chair ruled. We are in serious business not looking after goats in Ukambani!

At this point, Kibwezi MP Philip Kaloki protested against improper use of language Òlike referring to an elected peopleÕs representative with things like a goatÓ.

Kenneth said Treasury should give details of how much it hoped to raise from taxing 222 MPs and the benefits.

Ojaamong and Mathira MP Ephraim Maina opposed the move, saying the huge MPsÕ perks were gobbled up in the engagement with their constituents.

ÒBefore I came to this House, I thought MPs earn too much. But today, I know itÕs nothing because we spend it meeting the needs of our constituents,Ó said Maina.

SELECTIVE CRIME AMNESTY, MAINA KIAI SUGGESTS

Kiai team for selective amnesty Story by NATION Team Publication Date: 5/31/2008

A Government human rights watchdog has supported amnesty for perpetrators of minor post-election violence. Such offences include blocking roads during protests, the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights. Giving its position on the raging debate which has threatened to split the two-month-old grand coalition Government, the human rights body said those who wanted amnesty must first apply for consideration within a “legislative framework”. Full disclosure “To qualify for amnesty, alleged perpetrators must take full disclosure of the act for which they are applying for amnesty and tell the whole truth, which might lead to the arrest and prosecution of the financiers and planners of the violence,” commissioner Lawrence Mute, who read the KNCHR’s statement in Nairobi, said. Mr Mute was accompanied by commissioner Fatuma Ibrahim, commission secretary Mburu Gitu and Mr Njonjo Mue, the principal human rights officer – campaigns and advocacy. Mr Mute said before amnesty was granted, views of the victims should also be sought and taken into account. The commission added: “Amnesty should apply across the country without discrimination and based purely on the type of crimes committed.” While the mechanism for amnesty was being legislated, suspected perpetrators who are not facing charges of serious human rights violations, KNCHR said, should be bonded to keep peace. The human rights body said no amnesty should be granted for war crimes, crimes against humanity, genocide, torture “and other serious violations of international humanitarian law”. It said this was what the Annan-brokered agreement stated. Not  allowed The commission said blanket amnesty should not be allowed as it would violate the rights of victims to life, property and protection as per the Constitution. The agreement says no blanket amnesty would be provided for past crimes but that individual amnesty may be recommended “in exchange for full truth”. The commission called for thorough investigations of politicians who incited the violence and the police who used excessive force “and all the culprits brought to justice without discrimination”. The Maina Kiai-led watchdog demanded that police and prosecution authorities make public the exact number of people being held in custody, undergoing trial and those being investigated over post-election violence. People detained without being charged, it added, should appear in court immediately or released. KNCHR warned that violence must never be rewarded. While reconciliation was important, the rights body added, holding perpetrators to account was crucial to combat the culture of impunity. Justice, National Cohesion and Constitutional Affairs minister Martha Karua is also opposed to blanket amnesty to the youths. On Friday, Prime Minister Raila Odinga  asked Kenyans to stay calm and not worry about different views expressed by Cabinet ministers on how to deal with youths arrested over the post- election violence.  Lasting solution The Government was working on a lasting solution to the controversial proposals on giving amnesty to those arrested in connection with post-election violence, said Mr Odinga. He spoke a day after Internal Security minister George Saitoti said allowing amnesty would promote lawlessness and impunity. Mr Odinga, who himself backs amnesty, said the ongoing debate among ministers over the issue was normal in a democracy and should not be construed to mean there were differences within the Government. “There is only one Government and the statements you hear from ministers should not worry you,” he said. Mr Odinga was speaking in Rongo  constituency during the burial ceremony of  Isaiah Marvin Otieno, the son of Public Service minister Dalmas Otieno, who was killed in a helicopter accident in Canada more than two weeks ago. Reported by Lucas Barasa, Walter Menya and Elisha Otieno

SOUTH AFRICA A DEATH BED

Where life is nasty, brutish and short Story by NJAU KIMEMIA Publication Date: 5/25/2008

South Africa is the latest entrant into the growing league of jurisdictions where “mobs from hell” are exploiting the slightest excuse to take the law into their own hands, leaving a trail of arson, rape, theft and death. Protesters chant slogans during clashes linked to recent anti-foreigner violence in Johannesburg’s Reiger Park informal settlement on May 20, 2008. Photo/REUTERS And, like their Kenyan counterparts, they are also burning alive those they view as different from them. All these acts, whatever the validity of the grievances of the perpetrators, are purely criminal. They are mainly driven by greed, jealousy and intolerance. Regrettably, governments are busy fuelling these waves of violence by failing to take decisive action. When some Senegalese immigrants were robbed, beaten up and hurled to their death from moving trains in Pretoria two years ago, not much condemnation followed. There is a lot of wisdom in the old Swahili adage that warns that if you fail to seal a crack, you will certainly have to rebuild the wall. The South African government ignored warnings that xenophobia was becoming a serious problem. It failed to see the need to treat migrants humanely and, to a certain degree, there is a sense in which the marauding gangs that are now hunting down black foreigners and bludgeoning them or burning them to death, have taken their cue from the derogatory utterances of local politicians against the so-called foreign “illegals” and the harassment to which they normally see the police subjecting foreigners. Drug-trafficking Caucasian Unbelievable as it may sound, a decent black visitor to South Africa is more likely to be subjected to a humiliating ordeal in the hands of immigration and customs officials at the airports than a paedophile or drug-trafficking Caucasian or any other white-skinned person of whatever origin. This kind of profiling of human beings on the basis of colour is an enduring relic of the apartheid system. Yet black officials are now the majority in these institutions. Sadly, the government has not found it urgent to deal with these problems that signal a deeper socio-psychological malaise among many black South Africans. In the slum areas, it is worse because of the competition associated with low-skill jobs and dwellings. All over the world, migrant workers invariably work harder because of their additional financial obligations to family and relatives in their home countries. It is not any different in South Africa which is a temporary home to many migrants from Africa and beyond. Their relative success elicits jealousy and resentment among the local population. Under the circumstances, you just need a few idiots mouthing some populist gibberish to ignite violence against the targeted minority groups. Political operatives Just as in Kenya, South Africa is not entirely short of political operatives who  find it only too easy to mobilise a section of the population around emotive issues. Although there are still many challenges regarding unemployment and service delivery,it is erroneous to fault the government in its efforts to address the problems. The numerous social safety valves provided by government in the form of social grants as well as the ongoing housing and free basic services indicate that South Africa is a few light years ahead of many countries in its welfare programmes. To be fair, there is frustration over the slow pace of service delivery in some cases, but this has little to do with the xenophobic attacks that have now claimed more than 40 lives and have spread beyond Gauteng to three more provinces (Western Cape, Mpumalanga and KwaZulu Natal). The South African government can be faulted principally for failing to take early warnings seriously and for being lethargic in its handling of the crisis. However, a parallel can be drawn to the even more disturbing Kenyan case. At the dawn of this year Kenyans and the world were treated to unprecedented acts of violence and ethnic cleansing for which a few politicians have lately been claiming credit and christening “the fight for democracy.” It is not clear when rape, arson, cold-blooded murder, malicious damage to private and public property and the burning of terrified and defenceless women and children huddled in a church became legitimate tools in the  fight for democracy. Yet some have demanded the release of the suspects alleged to have been behind these heinous acts. They should be hanging their heads in shame instead. Seemingly, we have lucky criminals walking among us; their not-so-lucky sidekicks are behind bars awaiting trial. But what is really happening? Is the state becoming largely irrelevant? In South Africa, just as in Kenya, greater democracy appears to have emboldened every other miscreant into “democratically” expressing their dissatisfaction even if such expressions invariably involve breaking the law. With greater democracy in these two countries, there has been an inadvertent liberalisation of violence which is, incredibly, justified by some purely for political expediency. Unless governments reclaim their monopolistic position in the use of violence for the common good, our societies appear headed for an apocalyptic mess of chaos akin to the Hobbesian “state of nature” where life was “nasty, brutish and short.” The South African government’s decision to deploy the defence force to assist in dealing with  the domestic menace posed by the local legions from hell appears to be bearing fruit. Kenya’s belated strong action against the rag-tag Sabaot Land Defence Force that had caused misery to the people of Mt Elgon has progressively restored calm in the region despite some protests. Responsible governments have a legitimate obligation to use lethal force in the defence of law and order in the absence of which it will be everyone for themselves and the devil, as usual, happily taking the spoils. Mr Kimemia is a Kenyan economist working as the programmes manager for Local Governance & Development Facilitation, a South African NGO.   It’s all about competition for jobs, says envoySunday Nation: What is your comment on what is happening in South Africa? Misimanga: I condemn the attacks on foreign nationals. For many decades South Africans have lived together with people from other countries. Why are the xenophobic attacks now, only a year to the General Election? Black South Africans have been isolated for too long. The black community has been secluded and housed according to tribe. In 1994, our borders opened, but still most South Africans, especially blacks, were denied education. Because of that, we have over 5 million foreigners, particularly from Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Malawi and Pakistan, a majority of whom are economic refugees. They go to South Africa because of economic hardships in their countries. Most South Africans are illiterate or unskilled, hence they begin competing with these foreign nationals for odd jobs. How many Kenyans are affected? Not many Kenyans are affected. Most  Kenyans in South Africa are either students or skilled labour. This is a different category. It is those from Zimbabwe and Mozambique who are really economic refugees. What is the result of the violence? This has created insecurity. Criminal elements  have taken advantage of the situation. We, of course, have skilled foreigners but they don’t suffer much. Is employment the sole cause of the violence? No. There are quite a number of underlying causes and that is why the government has established an institution to find out the other causes. Over 200 people have been arrested and will be prosecuted. We want to ensure that violence does not continue to other parts of the country. But we realise that it will not help to put people in jail and and not addres  the underlying issues. Is this about political succession? The youth express themselves differently. Just like what happened in Kenya in January, most of the youths involved are simply idle and frustrated. But the government has to address the underlying problems. We have identified the problems and poverty seems an overriding factor but there is also lack of education. We are a young democracy, just 14 years old, but just like country with older democracy like Kenya are still struggling to fight tribalism. We realise it is a herculean task. Is this a symptom of the failure of the economic empowerment programme, which did to focus on the poor? With the issue of economic empowerment, our government really tried to empower the black people so that they can participate in the economic mainstream of the country. But we discovered some flaws which the government is now trying to address. What has the violence done to South Africa’s reputation? South Africa is a signatory to the Geneva Protocol on Refugees and will fulfil its obligation to protect all foreign nationals. The 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention ensures the basic human rights of vulnerable persons and that refugees will not be returned involuntarily to a country where they face persecution. As a signatory to the protocol, and as a country that cherishes human rights, we have to protect the basic rights of every human being within our borders. Coming at a time when South Africa is set to host the World Cup in 2010, where does this leave the country? We are aware that it might cost us a bit and that is why we are working very hard to make sure that it is brought under control. But it is important to appreciate that it is not happening throughout the country. It is happening in Johannesburg and particularly in the slums. This is where the problems are and it is where the poorest of the poor live. What is the government doing to ensure there is no spillover of violence? All communities are encouraged to actively oppose violence and to report any such acts to the relevant authorities. Non-governmental organisations are encouraged to use every opportunity to educate South Africans about the need to co-exist with foreign nationals. Additional report by OWINO OPONDO and SAMWEL KUMBA

NDURA WARUINGI OURS CLAIM MUNGIKI

http://bichage.wordpress.com/2008/02/14/ndura-waruinge-and-maina-njenga-are-still-mungiki/

Christian convert and PNU politician Ndura Waruinge and imprisoned mungiki chief Maina Njenga have not “properly deserted mungiki”, we can now report. A leader of the gang in Central Nairobi, a Mathenge (Mnyama) was asked by a reporter why his dreaded gang had not beheaded the duo. His answer was curt, “They are alive because we know they have not moved, there are clear structures on how resignations of top leaders are handled, look they were once Muslims remember that conversion? Now they are Christians, maybe tomorrow they will be Hindu but the bottom line is that they are still part of us”.

From the interview, it emerged that some of mungiki’s followers are the educated middle-class who contribute a whooping KShs 2 billion a year to sustain the gang. Consequences for defaulting are scary, the gang says.

Asked whether they kill people, Mathenge retorted, “True we have been killing people but you have to understand us, even God in the Old Testament killed people who did not toe the line of the Law. We have been killing defectors, and those who refuse to pay their dues for our services and that will not stop”.

Asked how many mungiki members are in Kenya and abroad, “We had our last National Convention in April 2007 in Thogoto and we realized we had recruited 45,000 new members we are now about 2.8 million, of course excluding Women and Children”.

The group is currently led by one Joe Waiganjo (General) and draws membership from some of the politicians in parliament.

Meanwhile, a plan by the outlawed Mungiki, a sect which is slowly transforming into an Italian like Mafia, was to blame for most of the crimes committed in early 2007 in the East African nation, a confidential twenty-four page police report indicates. The report details a shocking blow-blow account of a Mungiki that is not only running real estate and transport businesses but one that is now boasting of making a number of poor people instant millionaires and one that was preparing to sponsor a number of candidates to parliament in last year’s general elections – which they did.

The report says that the crime wave that had hit the country at the time the report was compiled under the spotlight was directly funded by the Mungiki and is intentionally aimed at the rich and prominent in the society and police officers.The report even lists recently fallen Kenya’s most wanted Criminal Simon Matheri Ikeere as one of the prominent members of the dreaded cult. “Out of the 26 criminals whose photo’s police have circulated over the last six months, 18 belong to the Mungiki,” the report says.

So organized is the Mungiki, that the report approximates the net worth of the outlawed religious sect at Shs. 4.5 billion as at January 15 this year. Interestingly, the report says the Mungiki are currently preparing to have its first budget in May this year – a month before the National budget usually presented by Finance Ministers in parliament. Just like any other serious Mafia organization, the Mungiki runs six armouries – five less than what the state runs, across the country. The headquarters, the report says, is in Laikipia and that’s where all the sources of weapons direct their donations.

“The Mungiki Laikipia armory is large and runs about 15 feet deep, those who steal guns from the police are rewarded with ranks within the organization and are branded heroes,” the report reveals.Other armouries are in Dandora, Tigoni area, Kayole, Njiru and Kitengela. “Each armoury exists for a reason; the Tigoni one is a back-up for highway crime, while Kayole and Njiru exist so as to offer refuge to gangsters and those commanding the transport sector.” “The Kitengela armoury is the main source of weapons and manpower to spread fear and panic, basically it is meant to organize and dispatch assignments,” the report reads.

The sources of weapons for the organization has been directly linked to the beef business where guns are wrapped together with the meat as it makes its way from North-Eastern to the country, other sources include th Oromo Liberation Front in Ethiopia and North Uganda.

In the armouries, the main weapons available are AK 47’s with a cache of bullets and G3 rifles.“The ultimate goal,” reads the report stamped highly confidential, “is to make sure that both the Police Commissioner and the Minister for Internal Security are sacked.

“The attack on foreigners is so as to affect the booming tourism industry and to increase the pressure of the sackings from abroad countries housed in Kenya, attacks on the rich and the prominent is a strategy to unify Kenyans around the same cause, while that strategy of killing police officers is meant to scare the law enforcers, and those are all characteristics of a Mafia Organization,” the report chillingly reads on.

“They have established a clear broad network and with the laws on money laundering still very weak they are able to access lots of money through charity like events and others directly from Kenyans with a die hard association with the group, a channel that cannot be stopped, because they educate hundreds of children and even run three credible children’s home,” the report says.

Mungiki, the report further reveals has already adopted a flag that’s coloured white, yellow, green, red and black – hues associated with the sect.

Links are also being drawn to an international organization the Universal Miracle Centre, little information about the mother body were forthcoming by the time of going to press. “The resurgence of the sect comes after a failed attempt to revive under the guise of the National Youth Alliance Party,” the report further reads.

Young unemployed people are lured into Mungiki through practical pledges of employment and life changing fortune making assignments, “graduates pass through a rite that involves ingesting human urine and umbilical cords, before undergoing a public baptism, where English (or Christian) names are dropped in favour of authentic names”.

Elaborate Ritual

The report further details how conversion to Mungiki happens, “Initially held at their shrine in Karandi area of Laikipia District, the oathing ceremony is an elaborate process, which begins late in the evening, goes on through the night to end at dawn.”

Black sheep and goats are slaughtered and their blood mixed with some mixture said to be made out of wild plant roots. Other independent sources explained to our reporters that, “Traditional Kikuyu beer, Muratina, whose main component is honey is served in plenty as the initiates engage in singing and chanting slogan in praise of their gods and the movement.”

Paraphernalia, which include walking sticks painted in red, green, black and white, gourds and small tobacco containers are passed around to members and a flag in the same colours is normally hosted outside the shrine. “We are Mungiki and we shall stick together and guard the secrets of our sect. We shall protect one another and remain united under our leaders…” the initiates chant as they sip a bloody concoction that is passed around to everyone present. They also sing traditional songs.

“Roast meat is also passed around to members who take bites in turns after their leaders, and tobacco, in small containers, is passed around for members to sniff,” says a former member who requested anonymity.

The man, who co-ordinated Mungiki activities in Rift Valley since the sect was founded until it was declared illegal, says the aim of the elaborate ritual is to unify the group. “All we wanted to achieve was strong unity and to be identified by the society,” he says. The sole purpose of the oath, he says, is to ensure that the initiates abide to our doctrines of coming together to form a society that respects the Kikuyu culture and the ancient practices.

As morning comes, the new initiates are “baptised” in the wee hours of the morning at a dam near the shrine. The then sect spiritual leader Maina Njenga conducted the ceremonies. The converts are immersed in the murky waters before passing over a goatskin, which is spread on the ground where the spiritual leader stood. The sad thing about those who joined the sect after being coerced was that there was no turning back after the oath, our source revealed.

“Anyone who joined the sect would be allowed to know all the secrets including our sources of funds our operations and other internal matters. That is why some people were killed once they denounced the sect,” he reveals. There is no turning back once you are a true Mungiki, he says, adding that no one has ever performed a reversal ritual.

“This explains why those who join us disappear from the public domain once they feel like not continuing to be members,” he explains.

KENYA POLICE OUTWITED BY MUNGIKI

Mungiki outwitted us, Govt admits

Published on April 16, 2008, 12:00 am

By Standard Team

Mungiki wrong-footed us on Sunday night — that was the Government’s answer to queries where the security forces were when the sect reigned terror in Nairobi, Central and Rift Valley provinces.

Internal Security Permanent Secretary, Mr Cyrus Gituai, told The Standard that the police had expected Mungiki to strike on Monday at 6am, but instead went on the rampage at 3am, three hours earlier.

Firefighters put out a fire after youths believed to be members of the outlawed Mungiki sect petrol bombed a Kenya Bus vehicle at Kenyatta Market, Nairobi, on Tuesday morning. No one was injured, though the driver said the youths had been manhandled.

The sect members took over parts of the country and held them hostage for hours before security apparatus swung into action.

But even as the Government admitted being caught off-guard, Mungiki members continued their reign of terror on Tuesday, killing three more people, torching 13 vehicles and declaring some towns no go zones.

Gituai said the Intelligence network was aware of the planned raids, but were caught unawares ostensibly because the organisers of the raids changed plans at the last minute to distract the police.

“We knew about the planned raid, but got the time wrong. They struck at 3am and by the time police responded, it was two hours late,” he said.

Gituai issued a warning to the sect followers, whom he termed criminals, saying they would regret their activities. He disclosed that 101 suspects had been arrested.

The PS noted that security agents had been mobilised to investigate and take firm action on those behind the riots that led to loss of property valued at millions of shillings.

He also instructed that police escort vehicles on routes that had been paralysed by the Mungiki menace.

“I do not want to say what the officers will do to criminals caught destroying property and disrupting activities in the country,” Gituai said.

 

The PS said Mungiki members could not be allowed to mourn their leader, Maina Njenga’s wife, Virginia Nyakio, by hurting other people. Njenga is serving a five-year jail term at Naivasha Prison.

She and her driver, George Njoroge, were abducted from Lang’ata and their bodies were later found dumped at a forest in Gatundu.

Gituai said the crimes Mungiki committed could not be condoned by any society.

Police laxity worrying

But the PS could not explain why it took three hours for the police to respond to the mayhem sparked by the Mungiki members in Nairobi, Nakuru, Eldoret, Nyahururu, Murang’a, Maragua, Nyeri, Thika and Gatundu where they left a trail of destruction and death.

But even as Gituai reassured an agitated nation that Kenyans were safe from the Mungiki menace, the sect members butchered a watchman in Nairobi and burnt 13 vehicles.

They also declared Murang’a and Maragua their turf and warned of dire consequences should anybody dare open business. They also warned matatu operators that they allowed vehicles on the road at their own risk

In Nairobi, hundreds of commuters from Eastlands walked to work as matatu operators withdrew vehicles from the roads following the previous night’s burning of 11 vehicles in Ngara and the a KBS bus on Mbagathi Way Tuesday morning.

Mungiki have guns

While the Mungiki mayhem was going on, their leader broke his silence since the killing of his wife, telling the police to move out of his house in Kitengela and allow his relatives to mourn Nyakio in peace.

He warned that Kenyans had not seen the last of the Mungiki, adding that the sect had the weapons to sustain an all-out battle with the police.

“We have the muscle and the guns to sustain an all-out war and we know those who are using you,” said Njenga through a trusted aide.

Njenga, who is languishing in the Naivasha Maximum Prison, described the occupation of his house as illegal and unacceptable.

“Tangu lini uliona serikali ikinyakua mali na nyumba ya mshatakiwa. Hii ni haramu. Polisi wasijharibu kushindana na sisi.” (Since when did you hear the Government seize the property of an accused person. This is illegal. The police should not compete with us,” he said.

The sect leader said he was concerned with the situation in most parts of the country and that his wife would only be buried after the police had vacated his house.

Meanwhile, Nyakio’s wife’s car has been found. The burnt shell of the car, a RAV 4 registration KAP 160, was found on the Emali-Loitokitok road, 6km from Emali town.

Sources said the car was driven to the place on Sunday at midnight by people who set it ablaze.

The vehicle has been missing since last Wednesday when Nyakio and her driver were abducted.

Besides the killing of the watchman, police shot dead two suspected Mungiki followers after a group tried to block Kamunde Road in Korogocho and Industrial Area.

The guard was hacked to death after he raised the alarm when a gang of about 50 youths armed with machetes and petrol bombs raided a garage near the Globe Cinema Roundabout.

They set ablaze 11 vehicles, including matatus. Most of the vehicles had been taken there on Monday for repairs. The guard, identified only as Kamukono, was cut several times and left for dead.

He had called the police on his mobile phone when he noticed the gang. He fled on foot but the sect pursued him and killed him.

Police and the garage owners said nothing was stolen from the slain watchman. The owners added they had incurred loses amounting to millions of shillings.

The KBS bus was petrol bombed at Kenyatta Market as it dropped passengers from the city centre at about 9am.

The driver, Mr Joseph Njoroge, said he had made a U-turn after dropping passengers when youths confronted him with kicks and slaps, asking him why he was operating when others had gone on strike.

“They pulled me out of the bus and later threw a petrol bomb near the engine,” he said.

The bus caught fire, which was put out by firemen from the City Council. None of the 20 passengers in the bus was injured.

Witnesses said the gang of about 10 later escaped on foot towards the nearby Ngumo estate, swearing that they would not allow the matatus to continue operation.

The attack, which brought to about 50 the number of vehicles burnt since the mayhem began, spread fear among a few matatu operators and they withdrew the vehicles from the road.

Contingents of police officers were on patrol at night following reports that the sect would make a daring attack on one of the police stations. The attack did not take place.

Tension remained high on most city routes as operators withdrew from the roads for fear of attack. The affected routes were Kayole, Komarock, Zimmerman, Donholm, Ngumo, Kariobangi and Dandora.

Few vehicles resumed services later in the afternoon as police patrolled the affected areas.

But the busy Murang’a, Maragua, Kangema, Saba Saba, Kangari and Kenol towns in Murang’a North and South were deserted throughout the day.

It was the second day the banned sect spread terror in the region after an orgy of violence in which they barricaded roads, burnt vehicles and harassed motorists.

Yesterday, residents woke up to find leaflets dropped on the streets, warning traders against opening businesses.

The leaflets, some of which were pinned on doors of business premises, were required to remain closed for the next seven days.

The leaflets read in part: “You are warned against opening businesses from today (yesterday) for the next seven days. Failure to heed the warning will lead to serious consequences.”

Some traders claimed that the gang was demanding Sh10,000 daily for business owners to be allowed to operate.

KIBAKIS 40 MINISTERS AND 50 ASSISTANTS

Kibaki and Raila unveil coalition team Story by BERNARD NAMUNANE Publication Date: 4/14/2008

President Kibaki Sunday named a 42-member Cabinet equally shared between PNU and ODM and demoted two ministers in the process. President Kibaki naming the grand coalition Cabinet at State House, Nairobi, on Sunday. With him are Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka (right) and Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Photo/PHOEBE OKAL The much awaited announcement of the expanded government gave the country its second Prime Minister in Mr Raila Odinga, paving way for a new four-and- half-year political dispensation. He created four new ministries in what he described as a decision to give attention areas critical in the economic development and address regions that have been marginalised by previous governments. The President also moved some ministers in the delicately balanced Cabinet to satisfy regional balance. Seven women secured places in the new team. Public Service Millions of Kenyans who were glued to their televisions sets and radios witnessed President Kibaki unveil the much talked about Cabinet at State House at 4.33pm. New Prime Minister Raila Odinga stood on his right hand side with Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka to the left. The new Cabinet line-up did not include the names of permanent secretaries, indication that the issue of public service appointments has not been resolved. President Kibaki used the occasion to give his ministers a menu of the tasks ahead of them — reconcile the country, generate wealth and transform the economy. “Following extensive consultations within the coalition, and taking into consideration the current challenges facing the country as well as the need to ensure regional balance in the leadership of this country, I am announcing the Cabinet of the grand coalition government,” he said during the ceremony that was delayed for 30 minutes. It took an exclusive retreat at Sagana State Lodge between President Kibaki and the new PM for the deal to be struck. PNU retained the ministries of Finance, Foreign Affairs, Internal Security, Defence, Energy, and Transport among others. ODM bagged Local Government, Roads, Public Works, National Planning and Vision 2030, Immigration, Agriculture and Public Service among others. PNU has a stake of 17 ministries, ODM 20 while and ODM-Kenya harvested three seats in the largest Cabinet since independence. The President also named 52 assistant ministers. As expected, Mr Musyoka retained his docket while Mr Odinga was named Premier without a ministry. However, the Planning ministry to be headed by Butere MP Wycliffe Oparanya and that of Public Service whose holder is Rongo MP Dalmas Otieno, were placed under the Prime Minister’s office. Two deputy Prime ministers Uhuru Kenyatta (PNU) and Musalia Mudavadi (ODM) were named with high profile ministries. Mr Kenyatta, in addition to his new position, will serve as Trade minister while Mr Mudavadi takes over Local Government. Hopes that Justice and Constitutional Affairs minister Martha Karua could be named deputy PM were dashed by the announcement. President Kibaki demoted Mr Wilfred Machage of the East Africa Community ministry together with his Public Service colleague Asman Kamama. Mr Machage and Mr Kamama were named Roads and Higher Education assistant ministries respectively. Four new ministries of Northern Kenya and other Arid Lands, Industrialisation, Planning and Vision 2030, and Nairobi Metropolitan Development were created. Wajir East MP Ibrahim Mohamed will hold the Northern Kenya development portfolio, Henry Kosgey (Industrialisation) and Mutula Kilonzo (Nairobi Metropolitan). Rift Valley emerged with the highest number of ministries at 10, followed by Nyanza, Eastern and Central provinces which got six each, Western (five), Coast and Nairobi (three) and North Eastern Province (two). President Kibaki kept ministers George Saitoti (Internal Security), Amos Kimunya (Finance), Karua (Justice and Constitutional Affairs), Kiraitu Murungi (Energy), Chirau Mwakwere (Transport), Yusuf Haji (Defence), Moses Wetang’ula (Foreign Affairs), Naomi Shaban (Special Programmes), Sam Ongeri (Education) and Mr Samuel Poghisio’s Information and Communication. Roads docket He shifted Mr John Michuki from Roads to Environment; Mr Kenyatta from Local Government to Trade; Dr Noah Wekesa from Science and Technology to Forest and Wildlife and Mr John Munyes from the Ministry of Water to that of Labour. He brought on board as new ministers Dagoretti MP Beth Mugo (Public Health and Sanitation) and Nyeri Town MP Esther Murugi (Gender and Children’s Affairs). Mr Odinga ensured that the entire Pentagon team of William Ruto (Agriculture), Najib Balala (Tourism), Joseph Nyaga (Cooperative Development) and Charity Ngilu (Water and Irrigation) were named to the Cabinet. Former head of Public Service Sally Kosgei was also appointed minister in charge of Higher Education and Science and Technology. Lawyer MP James Orengo took the Lands portfolio while newcomer Hellen Sambili will be in charge of the Ministry of Youths and Sports. Funyula MP Paul Otuoma was named to Fisheries Development, while the Roads docket went to Bomet MP Kipkalya Kones. Westlands MP Fred Gumo is the new Regional Development Authorities minister.

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MUNGIKI LEADER WIFE KILLED

Mungiki leader’s kin want police to get out of his house

Published on April 13, 2008, 12:00 am

By Cyrus Ombati

The family of Mungiki national chairman Mr Maina Njenga, whose wife and driver were murdered, want police occupying his palatial house in Kitengela to vacate immediately.

The family wants the General Service Unit officers living there to move out to give the grieving relatives time and space to organise the burial of Njenga’s wife, Virginia Nyakio.

The family, which met at a Nairobi hotel on Saturday resolved to bury Nyakio at the compound of the house they claim the officers are occupying illegally.

“We have resolved to bury her at the Kitengela home. Let the officers occupying the house move out immediately,” said Njenga’s brother, Mr Peter Njoroge.

GSU officers have been using the house as a patrol base to guard the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport since 2005. A contingent of GSU and CID officers raided the home in 2005 and arrested a handful of followers who were allegedly found taking an oath and practising other rituals.

Banned sect

Authorities claimed the house, which belongs to Njenga, was built from the proceeds of the banned sect’s activities.

Njenga has another home in Nyandarua but the family said they preferred to bury the deceased in Kitengela.

Meanwhile, a group of female Mungiki followers have demanded the release of Njenga, saying his incarceration was political.

The women, who met at the City Mortuary on Saturday, staged a brief protest against the killings before police broke it up.

Kilimani Officer Commanding Police Division, Mr Hassan Abdi, termed the protest illegal.

Mungiki is a banned group that has been linked to a number of brutal murders, extortion and abductions.

A group of youth calling themselves “friends of Njenga” said they were watching the unfolding events on the killings targeted at the sect followers. They threatened to “react” when appropriate.

The bodies of Nyakio and her driver, George Njoroge, were found dumped in Gakoe Forest, Gatundu, on Wednesday, a day after their abduction.

The badly mutilated bodies had deep cuts in the head, neck and other areas. They were discovered alongside two other decayed bodies.

Police took them to City Mortuary and booked them as unknown. The body of Nyakio, who is also a parliamentary loser in last year’s General Election in Laikipia West, had a deep cut in the neck while Njoroge was hit several times in the head.

The two were abducted by unknown people on Lang’ata Road, on Tuesday afternoon as they drove in a white Toyota car.

The Toyota Rav4 has not been recovered.

Police, who said they were investigating the incident, added that they had not made any arrests.

Nyakio was a mother of three while Njoroge had one child.

Njenga’s family have accused the police of being behind the killings, and demanded an explanation.

Njoroge’s brother, Charles Ndung’u, claimed police had been reluctant to investigate the incident.

“They have not helped us at all. This is the same way people accused of being members of Mungiki have been killed by police,” said Ndung’u.

He denied claims that a faction of the sect had killed the two, over control of power in the proscribed movement.

Ndung’u said none of the sect adherents “can dare kill” close relatives of their chairman.

Njoroge said the victims’ mobile phones had been off since they went missing.

“Their mobile phones were switched off since then and we think they were attacked by people who knew them,” said Njoroge.

He said the driver had called a cousin immediately after they were attacked, but did not communicate.

“All he heard was the driver pleading with the attackers not to kill them, then the phone went off,” said Njoroge.

He said police had in the last one month been trailing members of the family, and demanded that they produce the two.

Njoroge said the incident was related to last week’s police raid on Njenga’s rural home in Oroimutia, Nyandarua North District.

“We believe police abducted my brother’s wife and his driver for reasons not known to us. They have been trailing members of our family in the recent past but we never thought they would go this far,” he alleged.

Police spokesman, Mr Eric Kiraithe, denied police involvement in the killings. He said they were investigating the incident.

Njenga is serving time at Naivasha Maximum Prison for being in possession of a gun and drugs.